Étiquette : dessin
Karel Vereycken’s engraving « Coincidence of Opposites » wins Honorable Mention

On June 15, 2026, the Circle Foundation for the Arts (CFA) informed Franco-Belgian painter engraver Karel Vereycken about the results of the Artist of the Month’s contest. Vereycken had filed participation with his latest engraving, « The Coincidence of the Opposites »:
« Your work did stand out to me, for it’s remarkable aesthetic and originality, and you have been selected for an Honorable Mention. »
Karel Vereycken:以悖论式隐喻,显现无形之物


Posted on by Jonathan Hale
Also available in: EN ES FR DE IT
在一个充斥着浮光掠影与浅显直白的世界里,有这样一位艺术家,他致力于挖掘更深层的真理,将无形之物引入可见之境。Karel Vereycken 正是这样一位艺术家。他是一位版画家,其艺术之旅始于比利时的历史名城安特卫普,如今在法国的阿尔让特伊绽放光彩。他的作品超越了单纯的再现,通过精心构建的悖论式隐喻,深入探究人类经验的复杂织锦。Vereycken 的艺术不仅供人观赏,更是一场深刻对话的邀约,一场对塑造我们生活的无形力量的沉思。

Karel Vereycken 于1957年出生于安特卫普,他的艺术之路并非坦途,而是一场由际遇和内在驱动力共同塑造的丰富探索。他的父母在港口与船舶维修行业的背景下艰难谋生,但他们认识到文化熏陶对孩子成长的重要性。Vereycken 早年曾短暂学习音乐,后因刻板的教学方法而中断,转而进入一所社区绘画学校,正是这里为他未来的艺术生涯播下了种子。在雕塑家 Herman Cornelis 的指导下,他学会了观察与复制的力量,这位老师采用的是一种亲身实践、凭直觉教学的方式。十二岁时,他迎来了人生的一个关键时刻——赢得了他的第一个艺术奖项。这份认可,加上老师对他“宝贵天赋”的肯定,促使他接受更正规的训练。在母亲的鼓励下,他进入布鲁塞尔的圣卢克学院,沉浸在造型艺术的学习中。在这里,通过对解剖学以及达芬奇和阿尔布雷希特·丢勒等大师作品的严谨研究,他为理解形式与表达奠定了坚实的基础。随后,他在皇家美术学院继续深造,以“优异”的成绩获得了铜版画专业的结业证书,进一步巩固了他对技艺掌握的执着追求。
之后移居巴黎的时期,Vereycken 参与了多样的活动。他最初为一家非商业出版物从事新闻和编辑工作,但艺术的呼唤始终萦绕心头。他回归其艺术本源,起初探索古代绘画技术,使用手工制作的蛋彩和传统的油画技法重现古典大师的作品。这段时期虽然在技术探索上收获颇丰,但在展览方面却充满挑战,因为这些作品在他有机会展出之前就已被人收藏。这促使他重新将注意力转向水彩和精细的蚀刻版画工艺,这些媒介后来成为他创作实践的核心。
他持续参与法国的蚀刻版画社群,这体现了他对磨练技艺的不懈追求。作为法国国家版画联合会的成员,Vereycken 在 Atelier63 工作室提升了他的技术实力,并在丹麦版画家 Bo Halbirk 创立的蒙特勒伊印刷工作坊进一步完善了他的工艺。这段从安特卫普充满活力的街道到布鲁塞尔和巴黎艺术中心的旅程,彰显了他对卓越的终生追求,以及对艺术创作不朽力量的根深蒂固的热情。
“Sublimart”:悖论式隐喻的艺术

Vereycken 的艺术创作可以用他自创的术语“sublimart”来最好地描述——一个融合了“sublime”(崇高)与“art”(艺术)的词。这个新词概括了他独特的创作手法:运用悖论式隐喻,将灵魂提升至崇高境界的具象艺术。他的作品无关乎肤浅的美或直白的叙事,而是构建视觉上的悖论,以此作为通往更深层次理解的大门。正如他言简意赅地指出的,“让无形可见”是他创作背后的驱动力。他实现这一目标并非通过传统的象征主义或直接的描绘,而是将迥异的元素编织在一起,以此挑战观者的感知,激发深入的思考。
他主要运用的材料和技术——蚀刻、绘画、油画和水彩——都经过了审慎的选择。蚀刻版画,凭借其固有的精确性与错综复杂的线条表现力,尤其适合他探索层层递进的意义。蚀刻的过程需要耐心与审慎的行动,这与其观念性隐喻的深思熟虑的构建过程如出一辙。他对古典技术的执着,结合现代的感性,使其具象作品充满了深刻的情感与智识共鸣。每一件作品都是形式与观念之间精心编排的对话,邀请观者踏上一段个人的发现之旅。
Vereycken 作品的主题基础并非刻意为之,而是从他与世界的互动及艺术探索中自然生发。他希望“通过向人们展示,没有什么比‘古典’艺术更‘现代’、更‘革命’,从而震撼他们”。然而,他对古典艺术的定义远非僵化或学院派。对 Vereycken 而言,它代表着一种“基于非犬儒、具解放性、充满反讽与诗意隐喻的构图科学”。他相信,这些隐喻是所有艺术形式(无论是视觉艺术还是音乐)的根本关键。他的方法植根于这样一种理解:艺术是艺术家赠予观者的深刻“礼物”,是一种促进联结和共享体验的爱的行动。
艺术启迪的愿景

Karel Vereycken 的艺术事业充满了深刻的使命感,远不止于创作赏心悦目的物品。他将自己的工作视为一种“教学活动”,一场“人文主义思想游击战”,旨在唤醒观者,让他们感知到新的维度。虽然他承认销售对于推进其艺术事业的重要性,但他最终的动机并非迎合大众品味,而是促进与观者更深层次的联结。他努力使艺术成为一扇“窗户”,通往人们凭直觉认为重要却往往无法触及的领域。
他致力于分享自己的知识和热情,这充分体现了他对这一愿景的承诺。他曾在巴黎卢浮宫、安特卫普、布鲁塞尔或法兰克福的博物馆、米兰的布雷拉美术馆、柏林的画廊以及纽约大都会艺术博物馆等主要艺术机构举办过多次导览。这些沉浸式体验已被记录下来,部分录音可在他的网站上获取,让更广泛的受众能从他的见解中受益。他收到的由衷感谢,许多人表示惊讶于思想竟能通过绘画如此深刻地传达,这突显了他教学方法的影响力。
展望未来,Vereycken 的发展轨迹依然以积极参与和扩大其影响力的愿望为标志。他的作品曾在纽约的 ARTEXPO 和巴黎卢浮宫卡鲁塞尔厅的 ARTSHOPPING 以数字形式展出,他持续活跃于当代艺术平台。在赢得“蒙娜丽莎奖”并随后在巴黎的 Galerie Mona Lisa 举办展览之后,他的重心仍然是分享他那具有变革力量的艺术。即将在萨尔瓦多为 SUMARTE 2026 举办展览的计划,标志着他的国际抱负以及让全球观众接触到他独特视角的持续承诺。他正在进行的作品,如概念丰富的《天堂阶梯》,展示了他对融合多元视觉灵感——在此例中是中国黄山的风光与佛兰德的风景画传统——的持续探索,旨在为人类旅程打造强有力的隐喻。
Karel Vereycken 的艺术证明了求知欲、精湛技艺以及对艺术启迪人类精神能力的深刻信念所具有的持久力量。通过创造悖论式的隐喻,他邀请我们超越表象,去探寻塑造我们存在的无形意义之流。他的作品有力地提醒我们,真正的艺术性不仅在于所见之物,更在于所感、所悟,并最终被揭示的一切。
欲联系 Karel Vereycken 并探索其引人入胜的作品,请访问他的网站及社交媒体平台:
- 网站: https://artkarel.com/
- Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/karelvereycken/
- Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/karel.vereycken/
- Manifestampe 个人资料: https://www.manifestampe.org/utilisateur/karel-vereycken/profil
- 《当代艺术策展人杂志》访谈: https://www.contemporaryartcuratormagazine.com/home-2/karel-vereycken-interview
Karel Vereycken: Creare metafore paradossali per svelare l’invisibile


Posted on by Jonathan Hale
Also available in: EN ES FR DE IT
In un mondo spesso saturo dell’immediato e dell’ovvio, esiste un artista dedito a scavare alla ricerca di verità più profonde, a traghettare l’intangibile nel regno del visibile. Karel Vereycken, incisore il cui percorso è iniziato nella storica città di Anversa, in Belgio, e che oggi fiorisce ad Argenteuil, in Francia, è uno di questi artisti. La sua opera trascende la mera rappresentazione, addentrandosi nella complessa trama dell’esperienza umana attraverso metafore paradossali meticolosamente elaborate. L’arte di Vereycken non è fatta semplicemente per essere osservata; è un invito a un dialogo profondo, una contemplazione delle forze invisibili che modellano le nostre vite.

Nato ad Anversa nel 1957, il percorso artistico di Karel Vereycken non è stato una linea retta, ma una ricca esplorazione modellata tanto dalle circostanze quanto da una spinta innata. I suoi genitori, che lavoravano nell’industria portuale e delle riparazioni navali, riconobbero l’importanza di un arricchimento culturale per i loro figli. Un primo approccio alla musica, interrotto da un metodo di insegnamento troppo rigido, lo portò a una scuola di disegno popolare, e fu qui che vennero gettati i semi del suo futuro artistico. Sotto la guida di Herman Cornelis, uno scultore dall’approccio pratico e intuitivo, Vereycken imparò il potere dell’osservazione e della riproduzione. Un momento cruciale arrivò all’età di dodici anni, quando vinse il suo primo premio d’arte. Questo riconoscimento, unito alla convinzione del suo insegnante che possedesse un “talento prezioso”, lo spinse verso una formazione più accademica. L’incoraggiamento della madre lo condusse all’Institut Saint-Luc di Bruxelles, dove si immerse nelle Arti Plastiche. Qui, lo studio rigoroso dell’anatomia e delle opere di maestri come Leonardo da Vinci e Albrecht Dürer gli fornì una comprensione fondamentale della forma e dell’espressione. La sua dedizione alla maestria si consolidò ulteriormente all’Académie Royale des Beaux-Arts, dove ottenne un certificato di passaggio in incisione su rame “con lode”.
Il successivo trasferimento a Parigi segnò un periodo di impegni diversificati. Inizialmente, Vereycken si dedicò al giornalismo e all’editing per una pubblicazione non-profit, ma il richiamo dell’arte rimase insistente. Tornò così alle sue radici artistiche, esplorando inizialmente le antiche tecniche pittoriche e ricreando le opere dei grandi maestri con la tempera all’uovo preparata a mano e i metodi tradizionali a olio. Questo periodo, sebbene arricchente per la scoperta tecnica, si rivelò difficile dal punto di vista espositivo, poiché le opere trovavano nuovi acquirenti prima che potesse presentarle al pubblico. Ciò lo portò a concentrarsi nuovamente sull’acquerello e sulla meticolosa arte dell’acquaforte, mezzi espressivi che sarebbero diventati centrali nella sua pratica.
Il suo costante impegno nel perfezionare le proprie abilità è evidente nel suo continuo dialogo con la comunità dell’incisione in Francia. Come membro della Fédération nationale de l’estampe, Vereycken ha affinato la sua abilità tecnica presso l’Atelier63 e ha ulteriormente perfezionato la sua arte nel laboratorio di stampa di Montreuil, fondato dall’incisore danese Bo Halbirk. Questo viaggio, dalle vibranti strade di Anversa ai poli artistici di Bruxelles e Parigi, sottolinea una ricerca dell’eccellenza durata tutta la vita e una passione radicata per il potere intramontabile della creazione artistica.
“Sublimart”: l’arte della metafora paradossale

La produzione artistica di Vereycken è descritta al meglio dal termine da lui coniato, “sublimart”, una fusione di “sublime” e “arte”. Questo neologismo racchiude il suo approccio unico: un’arte figurativa che impiega metafore paradossali per elevare l’anima a un livello sublime. La sua opera non riguarda la bellezza superficiale o la narrazione diretta, ma la costruzione di paradossi visivi che fungono da portali verso una comprensione più profonda. “Rendere visibile l’invisibile”, come lui stesso afferma sinteticamente, è la forza motrice delle sue creazioni. Raggiunge questo obiettivo non attraverso un simbolismo convenzionale o una rappresentazione diretta, ma intrecciando elementi disparati in un modo che sfida la percezione e stimola la contemplazione.
I materiali e le tecniche che utilizza principalmente – acquaforte, pittura, olio e acquerello – sono impiegati con mano sapiente. L’acquaforte, con la sua precisione intrinseca e le linee complesse che consente di tracciare, è particolarmente adatta alla sua esplorazione di significati stratificati. Il processo dell’acquaforte richiede pazienza e un’azione deliberata, rispecchiando la costruzione ponderata delle sue metafore concettuali. La sua dedizione alle tecniche classiche, unita a una sensibilità moderna, gli permette di infondere nelle sue opere figurative una profonda risonanza emotiva e intellettuale. Ogni opera è un dialogo accuratamente orchestrato tra forma e concetto, che invita lo spettatore a intraprendere un personale viaggio di scoperta.
I fondamenti tematici del lavoro di Vereycken non sono perseguiti consapevolmente, ma emergono piuttosto in modo organico dal suo confronto con il mondo e dalle sue esplorazioni artistiche. Cerca di “scioccare il pubblico mostrando che nulla è più ‘moderno’ e ‘rivoluzionario’ dell’arte ‘classica’”. Tuttavia, la sua definizione di arte classica è tutt’altro che rigida o accademica. Per Vereycken, essa rappresenta una “scienza della composizione basata su metafore non ciniche, liberatorie, ironiche e poetiche”. Queste metafore, a suo avviso, sono le chiavi fondamentali di ogni forma d’arte, sia essa visiva o musicale. Il suo approccio si fonda sulla comprensione che l’arte è un “dono” profondo dell’artista allo spettatore, un atto d’amore che promuove la connessione e l’esperienza condivisa.
Una visione di illuminazione artistica

Gli sforzi artistici di Karel Vereycken sono intrisi di un profondo senso di scopo, che va oltre la creazione di oggetti esteticamente piacevoli. Considera il suo lavoro come una forma di “attività didattica”, una “guerriglia intellettuale umanistica” volta a risvegliare negli spettatori nuove dimensioni della percezione. Pur riconoscendo l’importanza delle vendite per portare avanti la sua ricerca artistica, la sua motivazione ultima non risiede nell’assecondare il gusto popolare, ma nel facilitare una connessione più profonda con lo spettatore. Si sforza di rendere l’arte una “finestra” su mondi che le persone riconoscono intuitivamente come significativi, ma ai quali spesso è stato negato l’accesso.
Il suo impegno verso questa visione è esemplificato dai suoi sforzi per condividere la sua conoscenza e la sua passione. Ha condotto numerose visite guidate in importanti istituzioni artistiche come il Louvre di Parigi, i musei di Anversa, Bruxelles o Francoforte, la Pinacoteca di Brera a Milano, la Gemäldegalerie di Berlino e il Metropolitan Museum di New York. Queste esperienze immersive sono state documentate e alcune registrazioni audio sono disponibili sul suo sito web, permettendo a un pubblico più vasto di beneficiare delle sue intuizioni. La sincera gratitudine che ha ricevuto, con persone che hanno espresso il loro stupore per la profondità con cui le idee possono essere trasmesse attraverso la pittura, sottolinea l’impatto del suo approccio pedagogico.
Guardando al futuro, la traiettoria di Vereycken continua a essere segnata da una partecipazione attiva e dal desiderio di ampliare il proprio raggio d’azione. Dopo essere stato presentato in formato digitale ad ARTEXPO a New York e ad ARTSHOPPING al Carrousel du Louvre a Parigi, continua a essere attivo sulle piattaforme dell’arte contemporanea. Dopo la vittoria del “Premio Monna Lisa” e la successiva mostra alla Galerie Mona Lisa di Parigi, il suo obiettivo rimane quello di condividere la sua arte trasformativa. La prospettiva di una mostra in El Salvador per SUMARTE 2026 testimonia le sue aspirazioni internazionali e un impegno costante nel rendere la sua prospettiva unica accessibile a un pubblico globale. Il suo lavoro attuale, come l’opera concettualmente ricca “Stairway to Heaven”, dimostra la sua continua esplorazione nel coniugare diverse ispirazioni visive – in questo caso, i paesaggi delle Montagne Gialle cinesi con la tradizione paesaggistica fiamminga – per creare potenti metafore del viaggio umano.
L’arte di Karel Vereycken è una testimonianza del potere intramontabile della curiosità intellettuale, della maestria tecnica e di una profonda fiducia nella capacità dell’arte di illuminare lo spirito umano. Attraverso la creazione di metafore paradossali, ci invita a guardare oltre la superficie, a entrare in contatto con le correnti invisibili di significato che modellano la nostra esistenza. La sua opera è un promemoria essenziale del fatto che la vera maestria artistica non risiede solo in ciò che si vede, ma in ciò che si sente, si comprende e, infine, si svela.
Per entrare in contatto con Karel Vereycken ed esplorare il suo affascinante lavoro, visitate il suo sito web e i suoi canali social:
- Sito web: https://artkarel.com/
- Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/karelvereycken/
- Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/karel.vereycken/
- Profilo Manifestampe: https://www.manifestampe.org/utilisateur/karel-vereycken/profil
- Intervista su Contemporary Art Curator Magazine: https://www.contemporaryartcuratormagazine.com/home-2/karel-vereycken-interview
Karel Vereycken’s mastery of classical techniques

On May 24, 2026, art historian Lode Goukens wrote the following in an article published on the Belgian Flemish website ‘t Pallieterke.
The article was titled « Karel Vereycken’s mastery of classical techniques »
‘The Flemish painter and etcher Karel Vereycken lives and works in France. On May 1, he exhibited his latest etchings. One particularly large one depicted the interior of a monastery with a monk. This exceptional work—of which he produced four versions—illustrates his special interest in the classical masters.’
The etching measures 35 x 50 cm and costs 500 euros. A “state” is a version that is lost if further adjustments are made to the etching plate by the artist or the printer. Rembrandt is known to have sometimes produced dozens of states. Each state is therefore a limited edition, sometimes consisting of only a few copies.
Ideas and Emotions
Karel Vereycken was born in 1957 in Antwerp and grew up in a family with ties to the Port of Antwerp and the shipbuilding industry. Vereycken is primarily active as a painter and engraver, but also writes as an art historian. He studied fine arts at the Institut Saint-Luc in Brussels and subsequently studied engraving at the Académie Royale des Beaux-Arts in Brussels, where he graduated with honors.
For decades, Vereycken has focused on watercolor and printmaking, particularly etchings on zinc and copper, often using techniques such as aquatint, sugar lift, and mousse lift. His work combines classical technical mastery with a strong emphasis on symbolism, allegory, and metaphor, through which he seeks to make ideas and emotions “visible” that are not immediately present in the visible world. Vereycken is working on a book about Quinten Matsys and Da Vinci. It is scheduled to be published at the end of this year.
I spoke with Vereycken about this masterful etching. “When I was recently in Milan to receive an art award, I visited the Pinacoteca Ambrosiana. There are beautiful paintings there, and the library is a leading repository for Da Vinci’s codices. But I also knew there was a crypt. I was deeply impressed by this almost Paleo-Christian monument. I discovered that dreadful cage reminiscent of Piranesi’s depictions of torture and prisons. In the center of that cage stands a painted plaster statue of the praying Charles Borromeo (well-known in Antwerp), bishop of Milan who was made a cardinal in 1560. Borromeo went to pray in that cage every week before a tombstone that is a replica of Christ’s in Jerusalem. What impressed me is how that man (whom I do not hold dear in my heart), as a clergyman, praying in a sort of double prison (cage + crypt), apparently felt spiritually completely free in God. A divine paradox,” Vereycken said.
“So that was my starting point. Hence the Cusian title ‘Coincidence of Opposites.’ I raised the vaults and made them more monumental. I also used varnish to imprint plant motifs, to enhance a spatial effect that is both open and yet enclosed. A bit of sleight of hand, but the magic was definitely there!”
The article was translated by Karel Vereycken from Dutch into English.
Here is a link to the original Flemish version:
https://pal.be/2026/05/de-klassieke-technische-beheersing-van-karel-vereycken/
De klassieke technische beheersing van Karel Vereycken
Op 24 maart 2026 heeft Lode Goukens hetvolgende geschreven in een artikel op de website van ‘t Pallieterke:
‘De Vlaamse kunstschilder en etser Karel Vereycken leeft en werkt in Frankrijk. Op 1 mei toonde hij zijn nieuwste etsen. Eén heel grote in het bijzonder van het interieur van een klooster met een monnik. Dit uitzonderlijke werkstuk – waar hij vier staten van maakte – illustreert zijn bijzondere interesse voor klassieke meesters.’
Lees verder in het pdf hieronder.

The Cenacle of Meaux and Christian Humanism in the Renaissance

“Everything that happens daily in this country stems from a government that calls itself ‘Christian.’ For weeks, not only Jews but also thousands of faithful Catholics in Germany—and I think throughout the world—have been waiting and hoping that the Church of Christ [the Roman Catholic Church] will raise its voice to put an end to this abuse of Christ’s name. Is not this idolatry of race and state power, hammered into the masses daily by radio, a blatant heresy? Is not all of this in total contradiction with the attitude of our Lord and Savior, who, even on the cross, prayed for those who persecuted him?” 1
This quote is similar in many ways to what many Christians feel today in the face of the abuse of « religion » to justify rapacious and bloody wars presented as « just wars, » especially by prominent members of the Trump Administration, notably its Secretary of War, Pete Hegseth.
History tragically repeats itself, for this quote is not new. It comes from a letter sent to the Pope in 1933 by Edith Stein, a philosopher of Jewish origin who became a Carmelite nun, when German Catholics, a minority in this Protestant country, signed a Concordat with Hitler. The common enemy to be fought was now Bolshevism. In exchange for their silence in the face of Nazi barbarity, Hitler offered them his gracious protection.
In France, at the same time, big business, Europeanists before their time, were proclaiming: « Better Hitler than the Popular Front! »
Our good fortune today is to have a pope who raises his voice for peace and justice for all. And one can hope that his voice can give everyone the courage to stop the mad march towards war.
On Palm Sunday, Leo XIV forcefully reiterated that no one can justify war in the name of the Lord:
God « does not listen to the prayers of those who wage war. » « On the contrary, he who has turned his back on the living God, making himself and his own power a mute, blind, and deaf idol, is enslaved to death. »
In addition to the thirst for power, there is also the thirst for money, which was denounced during his trip to the Principality of Monaco.
During his first year as Pope, he repeatedly called for a reconciliation that was « disarmed and disarming. » To the « warlords » who make their power « a mute, blind, and deaf idol, » he contrasted listening to a « melody greater than ourselves » —a harmony to which we can dance when the world seems to forget even « the light. »
The arrival of Pope Leo XIV in France
In a statement published on May 6, the president of the Conference of Bishops of France confirmed what many had been hoping for for a year: although it remains to be confirmed, Leo XIV could come to France at the end of September 2026, stopping in Paris and Lourdes.
This is an opportunity for us to evoke one of the most luminous upsurges of our country, which reached its peak in 1521, with the creation of the Cenacle of Meaux by the philosopher-theologian Jacques Lefèvre d’Etaples (1450-1537) , at the request of his student Bishop Guillaume Briçonnet (1472-1534) .
It was not a philosophical or prayer circle. Its primary purpose was to read, study, translate, and print the Gospel in French and to train clergymen in preaching. The approach was so simple, honest, and innovative that it deeply disturbed the established political and religious powers. The Cenacle was closed after only four years, its leaders were persecuted, and forced into exile. It was only thanks to the protection of Marguerite of Navarre (1492–1549) (also known as Marguerite of Angoulême or Marguerite of Valois-Angoulême), sister of king Francis I, who embraced this movement, that its leading figures were able to escape the flames of the stake.
Renaissance Evangelicalism
For Guillaume d’Alonge, Jacques Lefèvre d’Etaples is
« The intellectual leader and founder of French evangelicalism, a reform movement that developed in the early decades of the 16th century, in parallel with the Protestant Reformation, with which it had important points of contact. » 2
What some call « Renaissance evangelicalism » (not to be confused with American messianic evangelicalism, a current that animates today’s warmongers) corresponds to a movement of ideas characterized by the valorization of biblical exegesis.
Unlike evangelicalism in the most common sense of the term, it does not necessarily relate to the Protestant Reformation. On the contrary, many humanists who did not wish to break with the papacy but nevertheless declared themselves hostile to ecclesiastical abuses, such as Erasmus of Rotterdam and François Rabelais, were driven by a desire for reform without schism.
While Catholics sought to eradicate them by ignoring them, Protestants have always claimed that they were one of their own.
Like Erasmus, Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples was certainly a reformer, but he never considered breaking with the Roman Catholic Church, as demanded by Luther, Calvin, and other figures of the Protestant Reformation. The Christian humanists of the Renaissance believed, perhaps naively, that by appealing to reason, the Roman Curia would eventually yield to their demands and agree to eradicate the corruption and abuses that severely plagued the institution.
Humanism
It was in Italy, with Petrarch (1304-1374) , that humanism was born. The poet began by collecting inscriptions on the old stones of Rome and continued his quest for the Ancients in manuscripts.
With his friend Boccaccio , he brought Byzantine scholars to Italy to revive the study of Greek and Latin. While the term humanist then referred to someone who, through the study of Greek and Latin , « cultivated the humanities » ( studia humanitatis ), Renaissance humanist thinkers did not renounce their Christian faith but rather sought to reconcile the two.
A very clear break with scholastic pessimism then took place. Conceiving of himself as « created in the living image of the Creator, » the Renaissance man, uomo universale, endowed with reason and free will, no longer blamed the devil. It was he who had to strive to overcome his evil inclinations. And if he fully developed his creative potential, it was above all to please the Creator by placing his life at the service of the public good rather than his personal glory.
In Northern Europe, the movement of the Brethren and Sisters of the Common Life and that of the Beguines stemmed from the conviction that the contemplative life and the active life should complement each other and not oppose each other. Each person should live « in imitation of Christ. » It was in Deventer, among the Brethren of the Common Life , that Erasmus, inspired by teachers like Rudolph Agricola , discovered Christian humanism and the « good literature . «
Greek and the Greeks

While the study of Greek penetrated Italy and the Netherlands from the beginning of the 15th century, in France, young elites jostled to attend, from 1476 onwards, the courses of a Greek exile, Georges Hermonyme of Sparta, a poor pedagogue, rapacious and with little mastery of his own language.
But, as Jacqueline de Romilly points out:
“Hermonymus had only one merit: that of being the first. The fact is that he had as students, (…) or simply through his advice, all those who were to become the glory of nascent humanism: Reuchlin was his student, Lefèvre d’Étaples said he benefited from his advice, Erasmus asked him for lessons, as did Beatus Rhenanus – and above all our patron saint, Guillaume Budé.” 4
Two other Greeks played a major role in the revival of Hellenic studies.

And first of all , Constantin Lascaris (1434-1501). A student of Jean Argyropoulos between 1444 and 1553, he arrived in the West around 1460, after being taken prisoner during the Turkish occupation of Constantinople in 1453.
After a few short stays between the Greek islands, he became tutor to Francesco Sforza’s daughter in Milan, where he began writing his grammar, the Erotemata .

An essential tool for learning Greek, the work was first printed in Milan, then published twice by Aldus Manutius in Venice.
Constantin Lascaris then went to Rome where he met the greatest protector of Greek scholars in the West and of Byzantine humanism within the clergy, Cardinal Jean Bessarion (1403-1472), Latin Patriarch of Constantinople from 1463.
Bessarion was a friend of Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa (1401-1464), with whom he collaborated in particular during the Ecumenical Council of Ferrara/Florence, convened to end the schism between the Eastern and Western Churches.
Jean Lascaris

The other Greek scholar (unrelated to the first) is Jean (Janus) Lascaris (1445-1535) , also a protégé of Cardinal Jean Bessarion who entrusted him with numerous missions, notably bringing back precious manuscripts from Mount Athos in 1492.
Although born in Asia Minor and frequenting the great figures of Italy, Lascaris entered the service of France as Louis XII ‘s ambassador to Venice between 1503 and 1508. There he joined the academy of the printer Alde Manutius (1449-1515) where scholars from the East and West met to discuss and edit the classics.
When Erasmus went to Venice to the printer Alde Manutius to publish his Adages, a masterful work aimed at popularizing all ancient wisdom, Lascaris not only offered to welcome him into his home, but also contributed to the work himself.
Erasmus, writes the Belgian historian Yvonne Charlier, feverishly composed his Adages there.
« with the help of a host of distinguished scholars, including Jean-Baptiste Egnazio, a member of the Aldine Academy, and Jean Lascaris, a Greek refugee, passionate about manuscripts and ambassador of Louis XII to Venice. »
He also worked with Lascaris, the young French student Germain de Brie.
A few years later, when Erasmus and Thomas More published Utopia in 1516, a fictional account of a people (the Utopians) who attempt to create an ideal society based on the principles defined by Plato in his Republic, they argue that they must be of Greek origin, since Lascaris « was their only grammarian ».
It was in Venice that Jean Lascaris and Erasmus together conceived the idea of a College of Languages. Being able to compare the translations of the Gospel into Hebrew and Greek was the essential condition for achieving a proper understanding of its content.
Lascaris ended his life in Rome with Pope Leo X , who in 1514 commissioned him to found the « Greek College of the Quirinal. » Erasmus, against all odds, and especially against the theologians of the Brabant university town of Leuven, opened the Trilingual College there in 1517.
Lascaris also took care of the Royal Library, which was established in Blois in 1501 by Louis XII, then moved to Fontainebleau with Guillaume Budé under Francis I.

Subsequently, at Budé’s insistence, François I created in 1530, under royal patronage, the « Collège des Lecteurs royaux, » allowing the study of Greek and all subjects rejected by the Sorbonne.
Lascaris’s close relationship with Lefèvre d’Étaples may have led to the writing that the work of the great French scholars, Budé, Scaliger, Casaubon, Lambin, Cujas, Estienne, appeared
« To be a continuation of the schools of Byzantium and Alexandria, rather than an emanation of currents coming from Italy. » 5
Hidden from Europeans for centuries, this immense heritage – one could say a vast civilization that was being rediscovered – thus made its way to the kingdom of France thanks to men such as Lascaris, whose disciples like Lefèvre took over.
Jacques Lefèvre d’Etaples

Philosopher, mathematician, musicologist and theologian, Jacques Lefèvre was born around 1450 in Étaples, Picardy, and died in 1536 in Nérac (Lot-et-Garonne). He Latinized his name to Jacobus Faber Stupulensis, hence the nickname « Fabritists » given to those who adhere to his doctrine.
He studied in Paris, where he earned a bachelor’s degree and a master’s degree in arts. He then entered the clergy and became a priest, though it is unknown whether he actually served in this capacity. Gentle and timid by nature, of delicate constitution, and possessing a selflessness that led him to bequeath his inheritance to his brothers and nephews in order to devote himself more freely to his studies, Jacques Lefèvre primarily studied literature and philosophy.
After completing his studies and teaching literature for a time, he developed a taste for travel. He explored parts of Europe, and it is even said that his desire to broaden his knowledge led him to Asia and Africa. Drawn by the winds of renewal that the Renaissance was sweeping across Europe, Lefèvre traveled to Italy at least twice, spending extended periods in Pavia, Padua, Venice, Rome, and Florence.
With his translation of Plato and Aristotle, Leonardo Bruni (1370-1444) provided Italy, and with it the scholarly world, with a philosophical framework. Italian humanism sided with Plato.
Aristotle was attacked for « his metaphysics which puts the particular before the general, his theology which substitutes an inactive god for Plato’s creator God, his psychology which does not dare to resolutely affirm the immortality of the soul, his morality which locates virtue not in goodness, but in the golden mean between good and evil. » 6
In 1492, Lefèvre met and discussed with Florentine Platonists and Neo-Platonists, grouped around Marsilio Ficino, his student Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, Poliziano and Ermolao Barbaro.
Starting with Hermes Trismegistus, Plotinus, Iamblichus, and Cicero, this school of thought emphasized the supposed complementarity between Plato and Aristotle rather than their opposition, hoping to reconcile the doctrines of the two philosophers. Positioning himself above both camps, Giovanni Pico della Mirandola was preparing a major work, which death prevented him from completing: the Concordia Platonis et Aristoteles , which aimed to reduce all philosophies and religions to a single wisdom, naturally under the tutelage of the Vatican. Florentine Neoplatonism then exerted a significant influence on an entire generation of prelates and clergymen.
Later, in 1509, under the warrior Pope Julius II, his Neoplatonists advisors dictated to Raphael the content of the frescoes in the Stanza della Segnatura, where Pico della Mirandola features prominently. In his treatise The Ciceronians, Erasmus denounced these Neoplatonists who, instead of Christianizing Plato, used ancient philosophy to reduce Christianity to pagan barbarity.
Returning to Paris in 1495, Lefèvre became a professor at the Cardinal Lemoine college where he taught, until 1507, according to the fashion of the time, philosophy, geometry, arithmetic, grammar, geography, cosmography and music.
His first works were commentaries on Aristotle, a Greek philosopher who was often quoted but rarely read. Somewhat surprisingly, it was only after his encounter with the Florentine Neoplatonists that he decided to publish Aristotle’s writings, in the versions of the Quattrocento humanists, accompanied by commentaries aimed at restoring the philosopher’s sound understanding . Ambitious, Lefèvre conceived his Aristotelian corpus as a reaction against scholastic teaching, against which he had no words harsh enough in his prefaces.
Using the partial or incomplete translations provided by Boethius and Bessarion, he attempts to rid them of what François Rabelais called « the so filthy glosses. » At the time, he still hoped to reconcile Aristotle’s thought with the message of the Gospel.
But Lefèvre did not forget Plato . In 1499, he published the works of Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, a 6th-century Neoplatonist thinker who was mistakenly considered one of Christ’s disciples. He then turned his attention to John of Damascus, Nicholas of Cusa, and the Spanish mystic Raymond Lull : authors who nourished the spiritual reflection of French Christians throughout the century. Lefèvre, the mathematician, found himself aligned with the approach of Nicholas of Cusa, for whom, as for Pythagoras, mathematics was simply the science of divine proportions.
Paradoxically, it was after reading Pseudo-Dionysius that he rejected what he had once adored, and his subsequent commentaries reveal a profound distrust of Platonism. In 1506, following his Politics, he published a summary of the Republic and the Laws , entitled Hecatonomies , the margins of which are frequently annotated with « stultitia » (foolishness) or « semistultitia » (half-foolishness). In this treatise, he grouped together the Platonic principles he approved of and those he condemned.
Briçonnet

At one point, Jacques Lefèvre d’Etaples got the attention of the powerful Briçonnet family.
It was a true dynasty of diplomats, builders and great servants of the Kingdom.
Guillaume Briçonnet (1445-1514) was a French royal officer and later a clergyman, known as the Cardinal of Saint-Malo. Initially a financier, he served as the general of finances for Languedoc under Louis XI.
After his wife’s death, he entered the clergy. Recommended by Louis XI to his successor, he was appointed Secretary of the Treasury. He served as Minister of State under Charles VIII and was created a cardinal by the Pope in 1495. On May 27, 1498, he crowned Louis XII in Reims.

Guillaume Briçonnet (the elder) had a son of the same name, born in 1470. In 1489, while a student in Paris at the Collège de Navarre (he was only 19 years old at the time), Guillaume Briçonnet (the younger) was appointed Bishop of Lodève in Southern France. He also became Abbot of Saint-Guilhem-le-Désert in 1493, a monastry built by one of the lieutenants of Charlemagne. .
He continued to reside in Paris for a time to complete his education, under the tutelage of flemish theologian Josse Clichtove, through whom he met Lefèvre d’Étaples and his circle. In 1495, succeeding his uncle Robert, Archbishop of Reims, Guillaume Briçonnet became one of the two presidents of the Chamber of Accounts in Paris, a position he held until 1507. Having been made a canon of the Church of Paris in 1503, he had a magnificent residence built for himself in the cloister of Notre-Dame.
Appointed abbot of Saint-Germain-des-Prés in 1507, he summoned Lefebvre to his side to promote a reform of the monks’ morals. For Lefebvre, this was a moment of truth. What becomes strikingly clear is that he never practiced philosophy to distance himself from religion; on the contrary, his quest for truth was merely a step in his journey toward God. Prudent in examining the doctrines of others, he avoided taking sides while pursuing his own reflections. Far more than from Aristotle or Plato, it was from the Gospels that Lefebvre drew his inspiration. For him, the study of Holy Scripture was to be the culmination of his work, its natural endpoint.
“In the distance,” he wrote, “such a brilliant light struck my eyes that human doctrines seemed like darkness compared to divine studies, while the latter appeared to exhale a fragrance whose sweetness is unmatched on Earth.” 8
Lefèvre wanted to draw closer to the light he saw in the distance. It could be said that he was going through a « mystical crisis. » The list of « mystical » authors whose works Lefèvre published is long. From the one he considered the most ancient of all, Dionysius the Areopagite, it extends to the most recent, Nicholas of Cusa, passing through Heraclitus, Hermes Trismegistus, John Damascene, Raymond Lull, Richard of Saint Victor, and Ruysbroeck the Admirable .
In 1509, Lefèvre published a Psalter in five languages. The choice to focus first on the Psalter was primarily pastoral in nature: he wanted to offer monks an effective tool to fully understand the content of their prayers, but also to emphasize the centrality of the direct relationship between the faithful and God.
In 1511, while passing through Paris, Erasmus met Lefèvre. Although they may have criticized each other, they deeply respected one another and shared a common commitment throughout their lives.
Lefèvre continued his offensive by publishing the Epistles of Paul (1512), which we know constituted one of the battlegrounds for the Reformation in general and for Luther in particular (« faith and works » or « faith alone » as the path to salvation).
One important point clearly aligns Lefèvre with Erasmus and distinctly separates him from Luther: his interpretation of free will. For the Picard theologian, despite the state of misery and powerlessness into which original sin has plunged humanity, we retain the capacity, however diminished, to receive the gift of grace, to open ourselves to salvation, to reject evil, and to choose good. From this stems a more optimistic and serene vision of the salvation process, truly open and accessible to all, in contrast to the somber and anguished interpretation of salvation that the Reformers reserved for a select few.
Lefèvre, publisher of Nicholas of Cusa

in the 1514 edition by Jacques Lefèvre d’Etaples at Josse Bade in Paris.

Lefèvre shared his « mystical » passion with the Briçonnet family, and later with Marguerite de Navarre.
And when, in 1514, Lefèvre had the complete works of Nicholas of Cusa printed in Paris, until then only published twice in Germany, he addressed his dedicatory epistle to William’s brother, Denys Briçonnet, bishop of Toulon.
According to Noëlle Balley ,
« The most remarkable example of this cooperation between scholars is the edition of the works of Nicholas of Cusa, directed by Lefèvre, for which he had manuscripts searched for and copied by all his correspondents, thus creating a truly international collective edition. » 9
His printer was Josse Bade, a passionate Fleming from Ghent, trained by printers in Lyon. Not always rigorous, he published many humanists, including Sebastian Brant (The Ship of Fools), Erasmus (In Praise of Folly), Guillaume Budé, etc.

His son-in-law was the humanist and scholarly printer Robert Estienne (1503-1559), son of the great printer Henri Estienne (1460-1520) (the elder). Francis I appointed him, before 1539, royal printer for Hebrew and Latin, as well as for Greek from 1544.
Cenacle of Meaux

From 1518 onwards, Lefèvre’s patron, Guillaume Briçonnet, decided to take up residence in his new diocese, Meaux, 41 km from Paris. There he intended to implement a pastoral reform inspired by the theological approach outlined by the Picard humanist. At the heart of this project lay the desire, shared by humanists, to bring the essential message of the Gospel to all people, even the simplest and least educated, and thus facilitate access to the mysteries of faith, with the conviction that the intervention of the Holy Spirit could inspire the minds and hearts of the faithful.
A friend and disciple of Lefèvre, Guillaume Briçonnet resolved to promote his moral ideas in his diocese. And, unusually for that time, he abandoned court life to live there.
At Briçonnet’s request, Lefèvre then founded in 1521 the Cenacle of Meaux, a center for reflection and reform of the Church of Meaux. The aim was to return to the sources of Christianity, to the original teachings of Christ, by spreading the New Testament in French: the Gospel texts were « de-Latinized. »

Oil on canvas, attributed to Jean Clouet.
Appointed in 1520 as vicar to Guillaume Briçonnet, who had become Bishop of Meaux, Lefèvre settled in that city. In 1521, Briçonnet became the spiritual director of the sister of the King of France, Marguerite de Navarre, who was committed to the cause.
That same year, Briçonnet and Lefèvre attracted several theologians and preachers to their circle, including the future Reformed philosopher Guillaume Farel, the tireless Gérard Roussel , the Flemish theologian Josse Clichtove, the Hebraist François Vatable, the eloquent Martial Mazurier, the intrepid Michel d’Arande, the renowned preacher Pierre Caroli , and Jean Lecomte de Lacroix.
Then others joined, expanding their circle: Pierre de Sébiville, Aimé Mégret , the Franciscan friar and friend of Rabelais, Pierre Amy, and Jacques Groslot , bailiff of Orléans. Their simple motto was also that of Marguerite de Navarre:
« To know the Gospel, to follow the Gospel, and to make the Gospel known everywhere. »
Marguerite of Navarre was close to Leonardo da Vinci during the last three years of his life (1516-1519) at the Château du Clos Lucé in Amboise. Marguerite had lived there with her husband, Charles IV of Alençon, in 1509. Subsequently, she stayed there regularly with her mother, Louise of Savoy, and her brother, Francis I, in the immediate vicinity of Leonardo da Vinci.

She was an influential patron of the arts, while Leonardo was the king’s « first painter. » In 1546, Rabelais paid tribute to her by dedicating his Third Book to her.
A recent thesis by Jonathan Reid has shown that Marguerite was already at the heart of a vast network including more than two hundred members of the court, diplomats, prelates, and men of letters. Extending well beyond Paris and Meaux, this network also encompassed Alençon, Lyon, Grenoble, Bourges, Poitiers, and Mâcon.
Printers, including Augereau and Du Bois, but also Simon de Colines, who was operating clandestinely in Lyon, were among them. In total, according to Reid, 450 editions of 200 « evangelical » works were printed in France thanks to Marguerite’s protection. 10
On the ground
After visiting his entire diocese, Briçonnet observed that most priests did not reside in their parishes and that the assistant priests had little to no theological training. Furthermore, they lacked the time to teach their parishioners because they had to work, as all parish income went to the priests. The only educated preachers were the Franciscan friars (aka Cordeliers), who often limited themselves to promising hell to wicked Christians.
As early as 1518, Briçonnet undertook to combat moral depravity and the laxity of ecclesiastical discipline by thoroughly reforming his diocese. He simplified worship, abolished the veneration of images and relics, and encouraged preaching to revive the faith. He considered his diocese a mission field and divided it into 26 stations of nine parishes each. But, year after year, he observed the inadequacy of these measures: more than half of the priests were incapable of properly carrying out their assigned duties. He decided to expel the 53 most unfit priests and to train new ones. The Cordeliers were forbidden from preaching.

In Meaux, the Cenacle ran a printing press to publish, among others, the works of Lefèvre d’Étaples: Commentary on the four gospels (in Latin) in 1522, Old Testament (in French), Homilies, Epistles, Gospels, Acts of the Apostles (1523) and Psalms (1524).
The main instruments of religious renewal were greater attention to the selection and education of the priestly body, the restoration of the bishop’s authority over competing religious orders, the control of pulpits entrusted to preachers faithful to Christocentric doctrine and firmly convinced of the principle of justification by faith alone, on which Lefèvre had insisted for years in his writings, as well as the printing and distribution of numerous writings and works intended for clerics and laity: these were devotional texts focused mainly on mental prayer and on the invitation to simplify and purify traditional rituals, as well as Latin and especially French versions of the Holy Scriptures.
Stripped of unnecessary glosses, the texts were read aloud to small groups of people with some education. Prayers in simple language were printed for the common people, as well as popular works beginning in 1525.
The sermons, which changed (no more threats of hell, no more collections at the end), were successful. Neighboring Picardy, the Thiérache region, and the monastery of Livry-en-Aulnoy followed the Fabrist approach.
Meaux served as a laboratory for other dioceses in the kingdom, where bishops close to the evangelical network attempted to implement the model of pastoral renewal developed by Lefèvre and his followers. But if evangelicalism did indeed become an influential and respected movement during the reign of Francis I, it was thanks to the support of a segment of the court which, as we have mentioned, referred to Marguerite. The political, economic, and diplomatic support of the king’s sister and her network allowed the Fabrists to have direct access to the court and to influence the crown’s decisions regarding the policy of tolerance toward « heresy » and the appointment of bishops and abbots.
The reaction

The Cenacle of Meaux immediately attracted the wrath of the Cordeliers (whom it deprived of the proceeds of their collections) and the theologians of the Sorbonne.
In April 1521, Luther’s theses, initially well received and studied, were condemned by the University of Paris.
Clichtove defected (he wrote a work on the cult of saints, proclaiming that « the intelligence of laymen will never be able to understand the sublime meaning contained in the divine books » which even the most learned struggle to understand).
Although Lefèvre’s translation of the New Testament is based on the Vulgate text, he makes about sixty corrections based on the Greek originals. The doctors of Paris are particularly irritated by the « Exhortatory Epistle » that he places at the beginning of the second part, where he recommends that all the faithful read Holy Scripture in the vernacular, that is, in French.
Eleven proposals were submitted to the faculty. The courts ordered that Lefèvre d’Étaples’s French New Testament be burned. But the king, informed of this affair, which he saw as nothing more than harassment by the dean of the Sorbonne, Noël Béda, intervened, and Lefèvre, having defended himself before the prelates and doctors whom the court had appointed as judges, emerged from this attack with his honor intact.
In October 1523, under pressure, Briçonnet banned Luther’s books in his diocese, and in 1524, he dismissed Farel, whose sermons were too provocative, in order to continue his work of spreading the Gospel. At his own expense, he organized public readings of the Bible and distributed translations, which reached Normandy, Champagne, and the Loire Valley.
This first phase of expansion of the Fabrist movement ended around 1525, when, under the regency, the conservative party imposed a repressive policy towards Lutherans and Evangelicals, without distinction.
The hour of persecutions

In 1525, geopolitical upheavals changed the situation in France. First, the trap set by the Italian Wars closed on Francis I. On February 24, 1525, the king was taken prisoner at Pavia by the troops of Charles V.
Consequently, he was no longer in a position to protect the Bishop of Meaux. Furthermore, in May, a papal bull authorized a group composed of three theologians from the Sorbonne and a priest to hunt down heresy.
While Lefèvre was publishing the Epistles and Gospels for the 52 Sundays of the coming year , his enemies were more successful with a new attack, taking advantage of the unrest stirred up in the diocese of Meaux by indiscreet preachers and turbulent monks. A trial opened before the Sorbonne at the instigation of the Cordeliers, who accused him of allowing « heresy » to spread.

That same year, the Parliament of Paris brought a case against Briçonnet. As a conciliatory measure, he again authorized the Cordeliers to preach, asked his parish priests to restore the veneration of saints and the Virgin Mary, forbade preaching to the most extreme elements, and took the statues and images of saints under his personal protection. Jean Leclerc, a wool carder converted to the new ideas, was flogged for putting up posters hostile to the Pope.
After barely four years of existence, the Meaux circle was dissolved in 1525.
For several months, in order to avoid arrest and conviction, Lefèvre and his family were forced to leave the kingdom and take refuge in Strasbourg. There, he strengthened his ties with moderate Protestants such as Capiton and Butzer, and associated with Otto Brunfels, to whom he was linked by a Nicodemite attitude, recognizing the legitimacy of religious concealment in a context of persecution.
In 1526, with the return of Francis I, negotiated with Spain by Margaret of Navarre, and thanks to her protection, they were back in France and managed to maintain some influence for a few more years at court and throughout the rest of the kingdom, through intense activity in printing and disseminating written works, as well as through systematic preaching in the heart of the capital. The king granted Lefèvre the position of personal librarian at Blois and entrusted him with the education of his two children.
Guillaume Briçonnet, for his part, was acquitted. In 1528, he participated in the Synod of Paris that condemned Lutheranism. A year later, Francis I and Marguerite failed to save the life of preacher Louis de Berquin (1490-1529), a friend of Erasmus and also a translator of Lutheran treatises. He was burned alive in the Place de Grève in Paris.
Exile

In 1530, Lefèvre chose to leave the court to go to Nérac to be with his patroness, Marguerite de Navarre. He remained there until his death in 1536, preferring not to take sides in the disputes between Protestants and Catholics.
He cannot be accused of Protestantism, although his comments on priestly celibacy, fasting, and the sacraments are extremely harsh and pave the way for the Reformed movement. The term « evangelicalism, » recently proposed, seems, on the other hand, to be appropriate for this attitude of absolute fidelity to the spirit and the letter of Scripture.

Marguerite de Navarre , it must be emphasized, was a learned woman.
While she knew Latin and even Greek, she was far from mastering these ancient languages like Lefèvre, whose lessons she was able to attend.
For religious reasons, she even received Hebrew lessons from Paul Paradis, nicknamed Canosse, who would later become a lecturer at the Collège Royal. She was greatly influenced by the inspiration and ideas of the Cenacle of Meaux, examples of which she provides particularly in her secular comedies and poems.
And according to one historian,
« She was also familiar with Nicholas of Cusa, author of ‘De Docte Ignorance’, also edited by Lefèvre, with Saint Bonaventure, and with Pseudo-Dionysius, actually a 5th-century Syrian monk. » 11
In 1531, the Venetian scholar Jerome Aleander, former papal nuncio who had become Erasmus’s chief persecutor for the Roman Curia, proved to be very well informed about the situation. He regretted that Lefèvre remained under the influence of his former disciple Gerard Roussel, Bishop of Oloron.
The ambition of the Roman and French conservatives at that time was to convince Lefèvre to write a retraction of his errors and to go to Rome to obtain his full reintegration into the Roman Church.
This was not the case. Although Lefèvre could no longer publicly display his spiritual beliefs, he remained close to the positions of his disciples Roussel and Marguerite, who, throughout the reign of Francis I, even after the Affair of the Placards, continued to advocate a third way between Rome and Geneva. In 1534, Briçonnet died at the Château d’Esmans, near Montereau-Fault-Yonne.
Conclusion

Lefèvre’s translation of the Holy Bible , based on the Vulgate text, was printed not in France, but in Antwerp in 1530.
This was the first Bible in the vernacular language, which served as the basis for all French translations, including modern ones.
A center of preaching, this epicenter of Christian humanism, the Cenacle of Meaux , a precursor of « reformism » , had a great influence on the humanists and writers of this generation.
Marguerite protected François Rabelais (1483-1553) and encouraged him to write Gargantua and Pantagruel.
A friend of Rabelais, the famous poet Clément Marot, entered Marguerite’s service. He was soon accused of heresy and took refuge in Nérac in 1535.

Nicknamed the « mother of the Renaissance, » Marguerite de Navarre was the mother of Jeanne d’Albret and therefore the grandmother of Henri IV, the good King Henri who, knowing this intellectual and spiritual lineage, would embody this ideal in action.
It was certainly with the work of the Cenacle of Meaux in mind that he succeeded, at least in part, in putting an end to the Wars of Religion ravaging France.
The inclusive peace he organized in France, based on the coincidence of opposites theorized by Nicholas of Cusa, would be the model for the Peace of Westphalia which ended the Thirty Years’ War in 1648.
Selected Bibliography
- ALONGE, Guillaume Jacques Lefèvre d’Étaples in the religious crisis of the 16th century , nord’ 2022/2 No. 80, pages 15 to 21, Éditions Société de Littérature du Nord.
- BARNAUD, Jean
— Jacques Lefèvre d’Etaples: the preparation , Theological and religious studies, 11th year, No. 1, 1936.
— Jacques Lefèvre d’Etaples, Master of Philosophy , Theological and Religious Studies, 11th year, No. 2, 1936.
— Jacques Lefèvre d’Etaples (continued) , Theological and Religious Studies, 11th year, No. 3, 1936.
— Jacques Lefèvre d’Etaples (continued and concluded) , Theological and Religious Studies, 11th year, No. 4-5, 1936. - CHARLIER, Yvonne , Erasmus and friendship, based on his correspondence , Editions Les Belles Lettres, Paris, 1977.
- DE ROMILLY, Jacqueline, Five centuries of Hellenism in France , Bulletin of the Association Guillaume Budé, March 1977.
- EICHEL-LOJKINE, Patricia, Marguerite de Navarre, pearl of the Renaissance , Perrin, Paris, 2021.
- PERNOT, Jean-François, Jacques Lefèvre d’Etaples (1450? – 1536), Proceedings of the Etaples colloquium on November 7 and 8, 1992, Classiques Garnier, Paris, 1995.
NOTES:
- https://www.facinghistory.org/resource-library/agreement-catholic-church ↩︎
- file:///C:/Users/User/Desktop/alonge-2022-jacques-lefevre-detaples-dans-la-crise-religieuse-du-xvie-siecle.pdf ↩︎
- Christian humanism differs from « secular humanism » (anti-religious) and supposedly « scientific. » Once the spiritual dimension was eliminated, the humanist dimension also fell by the wayside. Julian Huxley, one of the great promoters of « secular humanism, » ended up inventing the term « transhumanist, » an ideology he saw as capable of replacing all religions. Millionaire Jeffrey Epstein, as well as billionaires Elon Musk, Larry Ellison, and Peter Thiel, are adherents of this ideology .
- file:///C:/Users/User/Desktop/Jacques%20LEtap/Romilly_Helle%CC%81isme-France.pdf ↩︎
- Börje Knös , An Ambassador of Hellenism: Janus Lascaris and the Greco-Byzantine Tradition in French Humanism , Uppsala, Almqvist & Wiksells, 1945 .
- Philip. Monnier , The Quattrocento . Volume II, p. 82. ↩︎
- https://www.etudesheraultaises.fr/publi/evocation-de-guillaume-briconnet-eveque-de-lodeve-de-1489-a-1519/ ↩︎
- Heminjard , Correspondence of the Reformers, vol. I, p. 4, note. ↩︎
- https://theses.chartes.psl.eu/document/ENCPOS_1991_01 ↩︎
- Jonathan Reid , King’s Sister, Queen of Dissent: Marguerite de Navarre (1492-1549) and her Evangelical Network . Leyden, Brill, 2009; 2 vol. ↩︎
- Jean-Pierre Duteil . Marguerite de Navarre . Ellipses, 2021. hal-04186835.
Karel Vereycken Celebrated in « 100 Artists of Europe » Book

The art work of Franco-Belgian painter engraver Karel Vereycken is featured in the just released book « 100 Artists of Europe » published by Culturale Lab. The artist is honored to be part of this initiative celebrating creativity across our continent ! #100ArtistsOfEurope #EuropeanArt #CultureAndArt



Karel Vereycken wins Megalopolitan Art Gallery’s Talent Prize

On May 1st, franco-belgian painter and engraver Karel Vereycken received the following news from the Megalopolitan Art Gallery:
« Congratulations! It is our privilege to announce that your artworks have been selected for Portrait, 2026 International Online Exhibition. The jury has recognized your exceptional work with the Talent Prize award. »
The exhibition is now live at: https://megalopolitanart.com/current

La coïncidence des opposés


Genèse







Karel Vereycken featured on FineArtsNews.com


Karel Vereycken: Crafting Paradoxical Metaphors to Reveal the Invisible
Franco-Belgian painter engraver Karel Vereycken is now featured on FineArtsNews.com!
This amazing opportunity was made possible through Culturale Lab (@culturalelab @culturalelab_art), a platform dedicated to supporting and promoting contemporary artists worldwide.
His story has been published on FineArtsNews.com, a respected international publication covering fine arts, museum exhibitions, and the global art scene.
« It’s an incredible honor to have my work and artistic journey showcased to art collectors, gallery professionals, museum curators, and fine art lovers worldwide, » said Vereycken. « This feature explores my creative process, inspirations, and recent works. I’m grateful for this opportunity to connect with art lovers and collectors around the world. »
Read the full article:
https://fineartsnews.com/2026/04/karel-vereycken-crafting-paradoxical-metaphors-to-reveal-the-invisible/

Karel Vereycken: Crafting Paradoxical Metaphors to Reveal the Invisible
Posted on by Jonathan Hale

Also available in: ES FR DE IT ZH
In a world often saturated with the immediate and the obvious, there exists an artist dedicated to excavating deeper truths, coaxing the intangible into the realm of the visible. Karel Vereycken, an engraver whose journey began in the storied city of Antwerp, Belgium, and now flourishes in Argenteuil, France, is such an artist. His work transcends mere representation, delving into the complex tapestry of human experience through meticulously crafted paradoxical metaphors. Vereycken’s art is not simply to be observed; it is an invitation to a profound dialogue, a contemplation of the unseen forces that shape our lives.
A Foundation Forged in Curiosity and Discipline

Born in Antwerp in 1957, Karel Vereycken’s artistic path was not a straight line but a rich exploration shaped by both circumstance and innate drive. His parents, who navigated the challenges of a port and ship repair industry background, recognized the importance of cultural enrichment for their children. While an early foray into music, cut short by a rigid teaching method, led him to a communal drawing school, it was here that the seeds of his artistic future were sown. Under the tutelage of Herman Cornelis, a sculptor with a hands-on, intuitive approach, Vereycken learned the power of observation and replication. A pivotal moment arrived at the age of twelve when he secured his first art prize. This recognition, coupled with his teacher’s conviction of his “precious talent,” propelled him towards more formal training. His mother’s encouragement led him to the Institut Saint-Luc in Brussels, where he immersed himself in Plastic Arts. Here, the rigorous study of anatomy and the works of masters like Leonardo da Vinci and Albrecht Dürer provided a foundational understanding of form and expression. His dedication to mastery further solidified at the Académie Royale des Beaux-Arts, where he earned a certificate of passage in copper engraving “with distinction.”
The subsequent move to Paris marked a period of diverse engagement. Vereycken initially pursued journalism and editing for a non-commercial publication, but the call of art remained insistent. He returned to his artistic roots, initially exploring ancient painting techniques, recreating the works of old masters using hand-made egg tempera and traditional oil methods. This period, while enriching in its technical discovery, proved challenging in terms of exhibition, as the works found new homes before he could present them. This led to a renewed focus on watercolors and the meticulous craft of etching, mediums that would become central to his practice.
His ongoing commitment to honing his skills is evident in his continued engagement with the etching community in France. As a member of the Fédération nationale de l’estampe, Vereycken refined his technical prowess at Atelier63 and further perfected his craft at the Montreuil printing workshop founded by the Danish engraver Bo Halbirk. This journey, from the vibrant streets of Antwerp to the artistic hubs of Brussels and Paris, underscores a lifelong pursuit of excellence and a deep-seated passion for the enduring power of artistic creation.
“Sublimart”: The Art of Paradoxical Metaphor

Vereycken’s artistic output is best described by his coined term, “sublimart”—a fusion of “sublime” and “art.” This neologism encapsulates his unique approach: figurative art that employs paradoxical metaphors to elevate the soul to a sublime level. His work is not about superficial beauty or direct narrative, but about constructing visual paradoxes that act as gateways to deeper understanding. “Making visible the invisible,” as he succinctly puts it, is the driving force behind his creations. He achieves this not through conventional symbolism or straightforward depiction, but by weaving together disparate elements in a way that challenges perception and sparks contemplation.
The materials and techniques he primarily utilizes – etching, painting, oil, and watercolor – are employed with a discerning hand. Etching, with its inherent precision and the intricate lines it allows, is particularly suited to his exploration of layered meaning. The process of etching demands patience and deliberate action, mirroring the thoughtful construction of his conceptual metaphors. His dedication to classical techniques, combined with a modern sensibility, allows him to imbue his figurative works with a profound emotional and intellectual resonance. Each piece is a carefully orchestrated dialogue between form and concept, inviting the viewer to embark on a personal journey of discovery.
The thematic underpinnings of Vereycken’s work are not consciously pursued but rather emerge organically from his engagement with the world and his artistic explorations. He seeks to “shock people by showing them that nothing is more ‘modern’ and ‘revolutionary’ than ‘classical’ art.” However, his definition of classical art is far from rigid or academic. For Vereycken, it represents a “science of composition based on non-cynical, liberating, ironical, poetical metaphors.” These metaphors, he believes, are the fundamental keys to all forms of art, whether visual or musical. His approach is rooted in the understanding that art is a profound “gift” from the artist to the viewer, an act of love that fosters connection and shared experience.
A Vision of Artistic Enlightenment

Karel Vereycken’s artistic endeavors are imbued with a profound sense of purpose, extending beyond the creation of aesthetically pleasing objects. He views his work as a form of “teaching activity,” a “humanistic intellectual guerrilla warfare” aimed at awakening viewers to new dimensions of perception. While he acknowledges the importance of sales for furthering his artistic endeavors, his ultimate motivation lies not in pandering to popular taste but in facilitating a deeper connection with the viewer. He strives to make art a “window” to realms that people intuitively recognize as significant but have often been denied access to.
His commitment to this vision is exemplified by his efforts to share his knowledge and passion. He has led numerous guided tours of major art institutions like the Louvre in Paris, the Museums of Antwerp, Brussels or Frankfurt, the Brera in Milan, the Gemäldegalerie in Berlin and the Metropolitan Museum in New York. These immersive experiences have been documented, with some audio recordings available on his website, allowing a wider audience to benefit from his insights. The heartfelt gratitude he has received, with individuals expressing their astonishment at how deeply ideas can be conveyed through paintings, underscores the impact of his pedagogical approach.
Looking ahead, Vereycken’s trajectory continues to be marked by active participation and a desire to broaden his reach. Having been digitally showcased at ARTEXPO in New York and ARTSHOPPING at the Carrousel du Louvre in Paris, he remains engaged with contemporary art platforms. Following his “Mona Lisa Prize” win and subsequent exhibition at Galerie Mona Lisa in Paris, his focus remains on sharing his transformative art. The prospect of an exhibition in El Salvador for SUMARTE 2026 signals his international aspirations and a continued commitment to making his unique perspective accessible to a global audience. His ongoing work, such as the conceptually rich “Stairway to Heaven,” demonstrates his continued exploration of marrying diverse visual inspirations—in this instance, the landscapes of China’s Yellow Mountains with Flemish landscape traditions—to craft potent metaphors for the human journey.
Karel Vereycken’s art is a testament to the enduring power of intellectual curiosity, technical mastery, and a profound belief in the capacity of art to illuminate the human spirit. Through his creation of paradoxical metaphors, he invites us to look beyond the surface, to engage with the invisible currents of meaning that shape our existence. His work is a vital reminder that true artistry lies not just in what is seen, but in what is felt, understood, and ultimately, revealed.
To connect with Karel Vereycken and explore his captivating work, please visit his website and social media platforms:
- Website: https://artkarel.com/
- Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/karelvereycken/
- Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/karel.vereycken/
- Manifestampe Profile: https://www.manifestampe.org/utilisateur/karel-vereycken/profil
- Contemporary Art Curator Magazine Interview: https://www.contemporaryartcuratormagazine.com/home-2/karel-vereycken-interview
AUDIO : Raphael’s cartoon for « The School of Athens » in Milan

AUDIO:
from the pdf file, click on this LINK
Audio recorded during my visit at the Pinacoteca Ambrosiana in Milan, on March 20, 2026. For my full, in depth analysis of Raphael and his « School of Athens », see my article.


Pieter Bruegel the Elder, political commentator and pacifist

Five centuries after his birth, the publication of new research seems (finally) to do justice to the great Flemish painter « Pieter Bruegel the Jolly » , known as the Elder (1525-1569).
Until now, it was all too common to hear him described as « an unclassifiable figure. » In 2024, art historian Mónica Ann Walker Vadillo did not hesitate to write in the History section of the newspaper Le Monde that, since Bruegel painted peasant feasts and weddings, art critics « came to regard him as an unrefined man and disdainfully nicknamed him ‘Bruegel the Peasant,' » while expressing surprise that so many « academics, humanists, and wealthy businessmen—who appreciated his work and collected his paintings » associated with him.
Fall of the Rebel Angels

In 2014, Tine Luk Meganck ‘s book, « Pieter Bruegel the Elder. Fall of the Rebel Angels. Art, knowledge and Politics on the Eve of the Dutch Revolt », especially with the last sentence of her title, had nevertheless reopened the debate on the political dimension of his work.
Meganck ventured a highly improbable hypothesis regarding the painting The Fall of the Rebel Angels (1562, Brussels Museum): the jealous angels, whom God punishes for conspiring against him, are supposed to represent the alliance of nobles, the middle classes, and the common people, led by William the Silent against the rule of the Spanish Empire. Consequently, the commissioner of the work, according to the expert, was most likely the famous Cardinal Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle, one of the advisors to the regent Margaret of Parma and a fervent supporter of the persecution of heretics.
We have documented in an article why this interpretation seems unacceptable to us, as Cardinal Granvelle, a member of the « secret government, » was universally hated by the humanists of the time for his blind zeal in endorsing all the crimes of his masters.
Furthermore, no tangible proof exists that he commissioned any work from Bruegel. Certainly, he owned some, but apart from a « Flight into Egypt » (1563), a work devoid of any controversy, and a « View of the Bay of Naples, » a beautiful study inspired by drawings made during Bruegel’s trip to Italy, Granvelle was far from being « one of the greatest collectors » of Bruegel’s works, as is often repeated.
Landjuweel

That being said, the important contribution of Meganck’s book, let’s acknowledge it, was the recognition of the decisive influence of the Chambers of Rhetoric and the Antwerp Landjuweel of 1561, for understanding Bruegel’s visual language.
My friend, the late American art critic Michael Frances Gibson, had mentioned this possibility to me during an interview this author conducted with him.
He discusses this in his book The Carrying of the Cross (Editions Noêsis, Paris 1996), which was used in 2011 for the quite innovative film « Bruegel, the Mill and the Cross ».
In August 1561, Antwerp, where Bruegel resided, hosted an exceptional celebration, the Landjuweel, or national competition of the Chambers of Rhetoric.
In practice, the Antwerp Chamber « De Violieren« , in charge of organizing a festival that cost the city one hundred thousand crowns, operated as the literary division of the Guild of Saint Luke, the corporation that brought together painters, engravers, illustrators, architects, sculptors, cartographers, goldsmiths and printers.
It was there that people read in Flemish as well as in Latin or French, Plato, Homer, Petrarch, Erasmus and Rabelais, both during private gatherings and often, in public.
The first Bible in French? Printed in Antwerp in 1535 by the French humanist Jacques Lefèvre d’Etaples (1450-1536), who published the first translations of the complete works of Nicholas of Cusa in Paris in 1514, three years before the publication, in the French capital, of the first edition of Erasmus‘s In Praise of Folly.
The Landjuweel of Antwerp stands historically as one of the most remarkable cultural renaissance events in European history. 2000 rhetoricians on horseback, from 10 cities, passed under 40 triumphal arches to the strident sounds of fifes, entering a city in full celebration. For a whole month, orators and poets, songwriters and actors competed without pausing for breath. Citizen’s were invited on every streetcorner to participate in polyphonic madrigals and chorusses. 5000 artists entertained close to a 100,000 viewers !

Bruegel had to follow them all the more since his dear friend Hans Frankaert (1520-1584), his friend and master Peeter Baltens (1527-1584), very well connected with the great local financiers who preferred commerce to war, as well as his first patron, the engraver Hieronymus Cock (1518-1570), were all involved in the organization of this event whose theme was peace and, two centuries before Kant and Schiller, this burning philosophical question: « What leads man most towards the arts? » This, then, was the bubbling cauldron of urban culture in which Bruegel was immersed from his beginnings.
Moreover, as Belgian historian Leen Huet details in her sumptuous biography of the artist (first published in Dutch in 2016 by Polis, then in French by CFC in Brussels in 2021), when he crossed the Alps, Bruegel was probably accompanied by the painter Maarten de Vos (1532-1603) and the cartographer Abraham Ortelius (1527-1598), a close friend of Christophe Plantin, the head of the largest printing house in Antwerp, the team having thousands of addresses of collectors in connection with the printing house Les Quatre Vents of Jérôme Cock, in Antwerp.
The « Bruegel Code »

The image of Bruegel as a political commentator, deliberately obfuscating his message to thwart the regime’s Gestapo agents who were lying in wait for him, and embracing the Erasmian philosophy of the Landjuweel to defend peace and mutual understanding, is further developed by the classical historian Leo Spaepen, whose recent book, Pieter Bruegel de oude, politiek commentator en pacifist. De Bruegel Code (published in Dutch by MER Books, 2025), has stirred enthusiasm.
A good pedagogue, Spaepen establishes a kind of code for deciphering, or at least fruitfully approaching, Bruegel’s visual language. Escaping the Aristotelian confines, the aim is to immediately discard formal and symbolic representations in favor of what I would call a metaphorical approach.
Narrative A and B
Each painting contains a « narrative A » and a « narrative B. » The former typically reflects a concern shared by the humanist and Erasmian community regarding the socio-political events of the time, where corruption and violent Spanish repression brought the Hispano-Burgundian Netherlands to the brink of revolt. The « narrative B » often depicts a scene from the Bible or scripture.
As with any metaphor, the paradox arising from the analogy between narrative A and B brings forth, not on the canvas but in the viewer’s mind, a range of clues allowing them to grasp where the painter intends to lead them.
Spaepen, whose courage, rigor, and audacity deserve high praise, has sufficiently delved into the political and cultural history of Bruegel’s era to formulate compelling hypotheses that illuminate his major works. By testing this cognitive approach, painting by painting, the author generates not a scholarly compendium of facts or evidence, but an extremely interesting « gestalt » of the painter, whose true genius has often been denied recognition. It is therefore impossible, in a simple article like this, to reproduce the full richness of this approach.
« Mad Meg »

Let us nevertheless look at an emblematic work by Bruegel, known by its nickname, Dulle Griet (« Margot the Enraged » or « Mad Meg » ), a work painted in 1563, not to please a patron, but to provoke discussions with his relatives during meals at his home, as was the custom at the time.
The painting is striking in its contradictions. In the foreground, against a backdrop of burning cityscapes, a woman, mad with rage, sword in hand, carries a basket filled with jewels and precious metalwork. Behind her, a cohort of unarmed women bravely strives to subdue and repel an army of monsters and devils.
Finally, at the intersection of the painting’s diagonals, a strange creature appears, reminiscent of Hieronymus Bosch ‘s Garden of Earthly Delights. A man carrying a large bubble on his back shakes his backside, from which silver coins fall, which some women hastily gather up.
As for narrative B, we find roughly the image that Bruegel had developed in a drawing used for a 1557 engraving representing one of the deadly sins, here rage ( Ira in Latin), again represented by a giant woman, with the subtitle: « Rage swells the lips and sours the character. It troubles the mind and blackens the blood. »
Spaepen also picks up on (p. 131) a great find by Leen Huet. The historian discovered that during the Landjuweel of Antwerp in 1561, the chamber of rhetoric of Mechelen had mentioned a « Griete die den roof haelt voor den helle » (a girl who goes to plunder hell), a figure perhaps taken from a play that is now lost.
Huet also mentions (p. 35) the Flemish proverb that says of an old harpy that she « could go and plunder hell and come back safe and sound. » At the same time, Huet notes (p. 48), the author Sartorius , in a collection of adages inspired by Erasmus, states a saying similar in spirit to the Dulle Griet sign:
« One woman alone makes a racket, two women cause much trouble, three women gather only to trade for an annual market, four women lead to strife, five women form an army, and against six women, Satan himself has no weapon to fight them. »
In reality, the status of urban women from the 15th century onwards in Flanders, with the beguinages, and especially in Brabant in the 16th century, was one of the most advanced in Europe1, probably explaining in part the concerns of some members of the male gender in the face of the growing power of women.
Granvelle

But Spaepen, a good observer, exonerates Bruegel from this kind of masculinist reaction by bringing back the reality of narrative A, the current political situation.
The painter, Spaepen believes, is denouncing here Cardinal Granvelle , zealous advisor to the regent Margaret of Parma, a woman torn between the general interest and submission to the tyranny of the Catholic Church, whose dogmas were instrumentalized by Madrid to plunder the country in order to repay the colossal debt of Charles V and Philip II to the Fugger bankers.
Personally, I thought for a moment that Bruegel had invented for the occasion an 8th deadly sin, « incitement to war » (Oorlogstokerij), but I am probably too much in the present.
In August 1561, disregarding Granvelle’s advice, Margaret had authorized the Guild of Saint Luke and the Violieren to organize the Antwerp Landjuweel to promote peace and mutual understanding. But immediately afterward, she yielded to pressure from Madrid by forbidding the publication of the proceedings of the Chambers of Rhetoric, which were accused of having united the entire country against the Emperor.

In 1563, the year Bruegel painted his Dulle Griet, the Council of Trent decided to curb polyphonic art by restoring the primacy of the sung text in music and prohibiting any ambiguity in a painting, linked to a role of propaganda, exactly as Granvelle wished.
In the painting « Mad Meg, » the strange creature in the center, draped in a red cloak, could very well be Cardinal Granvelle himself.
As Spaepen reminds us, Granvelle had just established a vast network of informants to hunt down heretics « even in the toilets. »
This targeted all those—Lutherans, Calvinists, Erasmians, or Anabaptists—who challenged the predatory grip of the regime. And yet, the money « shat out » by Granvelle is being recovered by women ready to plunder hell! Bruegel, not exactly kind to Mad Meg (Marguerite of Parma), could therefore be expressing his horror at this regent who has lost her mind, and especially at the idea that Flemish women, who had become so free and educated, could end up as informers for a totalitarian regime!
Familia Caritatis

Spaepen (p. 194) documents the strong influence exerted on Bruegel (who was not necessarily a member of the group) by the Familia Caritatis (Family of Charity), a philosophical and religious movement founded and led by Hendrik Niclaes (1502-1570), a prophetic and charismatic figure advocating peace and tolerance about whom little is known but who undoubtedly appeared to many, without reaching his wisdom and erudition, as a kind of successor to Erasmus.
Many humanists and a number of Bruegel’s acquaintances were in contact with this movement which, passing through England, would dissolve into the Quaker revolt against the Anglican Church.2
Plantin, considered the official printer of the Spanish regime, had the Familia Caritatis booklets (deemed heretical by the regime) printed (at night), with initial financial assistance for his printing press from Niclaes, himself a merchant. Niclaes’s major work, Terra Pacis, denounces the « Blind leading the Blind, » a theme also found in the work of Quinten Matsys‘s son (who fled the persecution), and later in Bruegel.
Niclaes draws upon Socrates and the philosophy of the Brethren of the Common Life , for whom selfless love (agape or caritas) should be the driving force of humankind. Another conviction he holds is that life is « a pilgrimage of the soul. »
As in the landscapes of Joachim Patinir, Homo Viator must constantly detach himself from earthly matters and move on. Through his free he must seek union with God by resisting earthly temptations. Inner peace—with oneself, with one’s conscience, and with the divine will—is the foundation of peace on Earth, an ideal that also clearly inspired the painter.
This is the true story, that of a great political commentator and resistance fighter of his time, a painter intellectually and spiritually committed to peace.
NOTES:
- See on this subject Myriam Greilsammer, L’envers du tableau : Mariage et maternité en Flandre médiévale , Armand Colin, 1990, as well as this author’s article on the Landjuweel. ↩︎
- These included the printers Christoffel Plantin and John Gailliart; the humanists Abraham Ortelius, Justus Lipsius, Andreas Masius, Goropius Becanus, and Benito Arias Montano; the poets Peeter Heyns, Jan van der Noot, Lucas d’Heere, Filips Galle, and Joris Hoefnagel; the theologian Hubert Duifhuis; the writer Dirck Volkertsz; Coornhert (right-hand man of William the Silent); the « familists » Daniel van Bombergen, Emanuel van Meteren, and Johan Radermacher; and the Antwerp merchants Marcus Perez and Ferdinando Ximines. ↩︎
Rembrandt, la science de « peindre l’invisible »

article in EN online on this website
article in RU at the bottom of this page
Intervention de Karel Vereycken, peintre-graveur, historien, vice-président de Solidarité & Progrès, lors de la conférence organisée par S&P et l’Institut Schiller à Paris, les 8 et 9 novembre 2025.
Je souhaite que cette présentation prenne la forme d’un atelier. C’est pourquoi je demande à ceux qui « savent déjà » ne pas répondre immédiatement à mes questions, mais de laisser la parole à ceux qui ne sont pas encore familiarisés avec ce domaine afin qu’ils puissent s’exprimer et formuler leurs hypothèses.
Dans l’art contemporain commercial, la seule science dont il est question consiste à renoncer à toute forme de rationalité et à laisser libre cours à une émotion quelconque qui s’empare de l’artiste, souvent plus dégradante qu’élévatrice. Cependant, dans les œuvres fondées sur des paradoxes métaphoriques, il existe une véritable « science de la composition », qui élève les idées et les émotions en mobilisant une combinaison de l’invention et de la maîtrise de la représentation.
Peu d’artistes nous ont permis de pénétrer dans les coulisses de leur processus créatif. L’un d’eux fut le grand poète américain Edgar Allan Poe qui, en 1846, dans sa Philosophie de la composition, expliqua la genèse de son célèbre poème Le Corbeau, composé un an auparavant.

L’humanité a la chance de pouvoir admirer « Cornelis Anslo et sa femme » de Rembrandt, une grande peinture à l’huile sur toile réalisée en 1641 et conservée à la Gemäldegalerie de Berlin. L’étude des dessins préparatoires et de leurs modifications au cours du processus de création nous permet de lever en partie le voile sur les étapes de ce processus et d’entrevoir le génie créatif de Rembrandt.
Anslo et les mennonites

Sur le tableau, on voit le prédicateur mennonite Cornelis Anslo assis à une table couverte de gros livres, s’adressant à une femme, très probablement son épouse.1
La composition est très asymétrique, ce qui était assez inhabituel pour l’époque. Le point de vue en contre-plongée, d’où l’on observe la table avec les livres, détermine en grande partie l’effet produit par le tableau. L’impression prévaut qu’Anslo, inspiré des saintes écritures, prononce un sermon du haut d’une chaire.
Le tableau est assez grand : 1,73 m de haut sur 2,07 m de large. L’homme au chapeau noir est Cornelis Claesz Anslo (1592-1646), un riche armateur et marchand de tissus. Il est né à Amsterdam, quatrième fils du marchand de tissus néerlandais d’origine norvégienne Claes Claeszoon Anslo. Anslo signifie « d’Oslo ». Certains prétendent qu’il porte un manteau de fourrure car le tableau a été réalisé en hiver, mais la fourrure ici n’est autre qu’un signe de richesse, de réussite et de statut social. Les frères d’Anslo étaient des figures majeures de la guilde des drapiers qui contrôlait l’industrie textile d’Amsterdam. Ils ont fait fortune en vendant des tapis comme celui-ci, posé sur la table.
Mais Cornelis était aussi un homme profondément religieux, pour qui la religion se traduisait par des actes et non par de simples paroles. Après son mariage, il fonda un hospice pour femmes âgées démunies. Instruit, il devint ensuite prédicateur à la Grote Spijker, l’église des Waterlanders, les mennonites d’Amsterdam.
Les mennonites étaient un groupe religieux néerlandais fondé à l’origine par Simon Menno (1496-1561), un prêtre qui quitta l’Église catholique pour créer sa propre branche au sein de la Réforme protestante. Certains Amish, aux États-Unis, descendent des mennonites néerlandais et flamands.
Il serait trop fastidieux de retracer leur histoire ici. En bref, ils se considéraient comme une communauté de chrétiens désireux de vivre à l’image de Dieu. Ils ne souhaitaient pas d’Église officielle. Ils se réunissaient simplement, lisaient la Bible et s’efforçaient de traduire son message en actes concrets. Par exemple, ils prenaient très au sérieux le passage des Écritures où Jésus nous invite à « aimer nos ennemis et à prier pour ceux qui nous persécutent ». De ce fait, les mennonites décidèrent de ne jamais faire la guerre à quiconque ni d’y prendre part. Ils n’étaient donc pas vraiment appréciés des autres confessions religieuses de l’époque, souvent engagées dans divers conflits armés. Contrairement à bon nombre de ses connaissances, Rembrandt n’a jamais été officiellement membre des mennonites. Il partageait néanmoins certains aspects de leur vision pacifique du monde.2

(Crédit: domaine public, British Museum.)
En 1640-1641, Anslo fit appel à Rembrandt pour son portrait. Le prédicateur demanda probablement au peintre de réaliser une esquisse afin de se faire une idée du résultat final. Le prédicateur apparaît sur le premier dessin à la sanguine conservé au British Museum.
QUESTION : Qu’y a-t-il de particulier dans ce dessin ?
PUBLIC : ….
KAREL : Alors qu’il était droitier, il tient sa plume de la main gauche, car le dessin est préparatoire à une gravure. Si l’on transfère l’image telle quelle sur une plaque de cuivre ou de zinc, puis qu’on l’imprime, on obtient une image en miroir. Ainsi, dans la gravure imprimée, Anslo apparaîtra avec une plume dans la main droite, puisque l’effet miroir inverse le sens de l’image. Il faut le prévoir dès le départ.
Nous avons ensuite la gravure de 1641, au Metropolitan Museum de New York.

QUESTION : Qu’est-ce qui différencie l’eau-forte du dessin ?
PUBLIC : ….
KAREL : Il a ajouté de l’espace vide. Pourquoi ?
PUBLIC : …
KAREL : Dans une bonne école d’art, on apprend à recadrer l’image.

à gauche, format intégral ; à droite, recadrée Metropolitan Museum, New York.

KAREL : Mais attendez une minute, cet espace supplémentaire est-il vraiment vide ?
PUBLIC : …
KAREL : En fait, il a ajouté deux choses :
- un clou dans le mur derrière lui (très esthétique !)
- un tableau posé au sol, l’image tournée vers le mur (également très esthétique).
Étrange ? Pas tant que ça, puisque la congrégation s’appelait De grote spijker (« Le grand clou », clou signifiant également le « grand magasin » ou la « grange » leur servant de temple).
Vondel et la poésie
Pas vraiment. Pour trouver une réponse, il faut faire un petit détour. Ce que l’on sait peu, c’est qu’en dessous des tirages de la gravure apparaît souvent, ajouté à la main, un court poème de Joost van der Vondel, considéré comme le plus grand poète de langue néerlandaise :

On peut y lire en néerlandais/flamand :
“Op de Teekeninge van / Kornelis Nikolaesz Anslo /
Kunstich door Rembrandt gedaen /
Ay Rembrandt mael Kornelis stem /
het zichtbare deel is’t minst van hem /
’t onzichtbare kent men slecht deur d’ooren /
wie Anslo zien wil, moet hem hooren. /
J. v. Vondel »
Traduction française :
« Ô Rembrandt, peins la voix de Cornelis.
La partie visible est la moindre de lui ;
l’invisible, nous ne le connaissons que par nos oreilles ;
celui qui veut voir Anslo doit l’entendre. »
J. v. Vondel
ou, la version rimée que m’a offerte mon amie russe:
« Rembrandt, ô peins, vibrant, la voix de Cornelis.
La part visible de lui n’est qu’une esquisse
Son invisible, c’est l’ouï qui nous le révèle;
Seul qui l’entend puisse voir Anslo tel quel.«
Jusqu’en 1641, Vondel fut le doyen des Waterlanders, le groupe mennonite d’Amsterdam dont Anslo était un prédicateur de premier plan.
Son poème mentionne un « tekening » (dessin) et, en effet, on peut déjà trouver le poème au verso de l’esquisse initiale. On peut penser qu’Anslo a montré, pour avis, l’esquisse préparatoire de Rembrandt à Vondel, le doyen de sa congrégation.
En réagissant par son poème, Vondel met en lumière trois points :
- Il affirme haut et fort la position officielle de la congrégation des mennonites, à savoir que la parole (et plus encore la voix, c’est-à-dire la parole prononcée) est supérieure à l’image pour évangéliser l’humanité. Transformer les autres par sa voix a plus de valeur que le simple apprentissage, et enfin, que pour connaître il faut enseigner.3
- Vondel fait subtilement comprendre que son propre art, la poésie, est supérieur à celui de Rembrandt, la peinture…
- Il dit que Rembrandt pourrait même faire mieux.
Il est clair que Rembrandt s’est senti interpellé par les remarques plutôt amicales du poète. La gravure pourrait constituer une première réponse du peintre, puisqu’elle souligne l’importance de la parole par cette idée du clou, symbolisant l’image décrochée et placée face contre le mur.
Mais pour préparer le grand tableau à l’huile, Rembrandt réalisa une nouvelle esquisse, aujourd’hui conservée au Louvre.

L’iconographie de la gravure était certainement comprise des mennonites, mais cela ne suffisait pas à toucher un public plus large au fil du temps. Il fallait donc inventer autre chose, visuellement parlant, pour présenter à un niveau supérieur le même argument et surmonter le défi de « peindre l’invisible ».

Déjà dans le dessin du Louvre, la main d’Anslo se déplace vers la gauche, ou plutôt sa tête vers la droite, donnant l’impression que le prédicateur se penche vers son interlocuteur. Dans ce deuxième dessin, si Anslo ne parle pas encore, bien qu’il soit « sur le point » de parler, il se trouve dans une position instable, disons de transition, entre deux mouvements, c’est-à-dire en « point de changement de mouvement » (mid-motion-change, comme l’a formulé Lyndon LaRouche).
La parole sera pleinement manifeste dans le tableau final : la bouche d’Anslo est ouverte et ses sourcils sont levés.

Mais au-delà du simple portrait d’Anslo, Rembrandt ajoute un élément totalement inédit : une personne qui écoute avec une attention extrême.
Ainsi, pour peindre la « voix » (le son), il peint un autre phénomène invisible, son contraire : le silence. Une voix qui résonne sans auditeur est aussi morte qu’un mot dans un livre.
Par là, Rembrandt surmonte le paradoxe de Vondel et affirme la supériorité de son art, la peinture, et le fait que, par l’image, les apparents opposés du son et du silence peuvent être dépassés et rendre visible la parole de Dieu, agissant à travers la voix d’Anslo et surtout l’écoute de sa femme.
Alors, la lumière céleste de Dieu pénètre dans la pièce et éteint la lumière terrestre des bougies pour faire place à la lumière céleste.

Pour conclure, si vous souhaitez poursuivre ce type de discussion, je vous invite à rejoindre le groupe de travail international sur l’art, parmi les artistes amateurs de notre mouvement. Ce groupe fut lancé par le Dr Ned Rosinsky. À ce jour, il comprend principalement son initiateur, Debbie Sonnenblick, Ilko Dimov, peut-être Sébastien Drochon, Philip Ulanowsky, Christine Bierre et moi-même. Vous pouvez voir quelques-unes de leurs œuvres ici. N’hésitez pas à me contacter à ce sujet.
Merci
BIOGRAPHIE SOMMAIRE :
- Corpus des peintures de Rembrandt, base de données
https://rembrandtdatabase.org/literature/corpus.html - Filippi, Elena, Weisheit zwischen Bild und Word in Fall Rembrandt, Coincidentia, groupe 2/1, 2011
- Haak, Bob, Rembrandt : sa vie, son œuvre et son époque, Thames & Hudson, 1969
- Kauffman, Ivan J., Voir la lumière, Essais sur les images religieuses de Rembrandt, Academia.edu, 2015
- Schama, Simon, Les yeux de Rembrandt, Alfred A. Knopf, 1999
- Schwartz, Gary, Rembrandt, Flammarion, Mercatorfonds, 2006
- Tümpel, Christian, Rembrandt, Albin Michel, Mercatorfonds, 1986
- Vereycken, Karel, Rembrandt, bâtisseur de nation, Nouvelle Solidarité, 1985
- Vereycken, Karel, Rembrandt et la lumière d’Agapè, Artkarel.com, 2001
- Wright, Christopher, Rembrandt, Citadelles et Mazenot, 2000.
- Les experts ont souvent divergé quant à l’identité de la femme. S’agit-il de sa mère, de son épouse ou d’une servante de l’hospice fondé par Anslo ? En 1767, Camelis van der Vliet, la gouvernante de l’hospice, rapporta un passage des archives indiquant qu’Anslo prêchait l’Évangile non seulement en public mais aussi « à sa femme et à ses enfants ; tout comme il est merveilleusement représenté dans le tableau susmentionné, parlant à sa femme de la Bible qui est ouverte devant lui, et que sa femme, représentée d’une manière inimitable et artistique, écoute avec une attention dévote ». A cela s’ajoute que la femme n’est pas vêtue comme une indigente pensionnaire d’un hospice, mais conformément à son statut d’épouse d’un riche marchand. Ce n’est que bien plus tard que le tableau, réalisé pour la demeure privée d’Anslo, deviendra propriété de l’hospice. ↩︎
- En 1686, le critique d’art italien Filippo Baldinucci déclara que « l’artiste professait à cette époque la religion des ménistes (mennonites) ». Des recherches récentes confirment que Rembrandt avait des liens étroits avec la communauté mennonite Waterlander d’Amsterdam, notamment par l’intermédiaire d’Hendrick Uylenburgh, un marchand d’art mennonite qui dirigeait un atelier d’artistes où Rembrandt travailla de 1631 à 1635. Rembrandt devint le peintre en chef de l’atelier et épousa en 1634 la cousine germaine de Van Uylenburgh, Saskia van Uylenburgh, qui n’était pas mennonite. ↩︎
- Le débat sur le rôle exact de la voix, de la parole et de l’image pour les prêcheurs, dégénéra en 1625 en une violente dispute entre les membres de la communauté des Waterlanders d’Amsterdam et d’ailleurs. Une faction affirmait que la parole écrite n’était qu’une voix « morte » et que seul importait la parole vivante, c’est-à-dire Jésus, qui était vivant en chacun en tant que « parole intérieure » des chrétiens. En publiant un pamphlet anonyme, Anslo a pu calmer le débat et réconcilier les croyants, évitant ainsi un schisme. ↩︎
Hommage au sculpteur belge Herman Cornelis







Posted by: Karel Vereycken | on décembre 30, 2025
AUDIO: Bruegel’s Mad Meg: we see her madness, but do we see ours ?
More information on Bruegel:
Posted in Audio comments, Comprendre, Etudes Renaissance | Commentaires fermés sur AUDIO: Bruegel’s Mad Meg: we see her madness, but do we see ours ?
Tags: antwerpen, artkarel, audio, comment, dessin, Dulle Griet, Karel, Karel Vereycken, Maagdenhuis, Mayer van den Bergh, peinture