Étiquette : Antwerp

 

Shakespeare’s lesson in Economics

Cet article en FR

Karel Vereycken, Venice, intaglio etching on zinc, 2011.

by Karel Vereycken

As early as 1913, the very year that a handful of major Anglo-American banks set up the Federal Reserve to prevent that any form of national bank in the US fixes the rules for money and credit, Henry Farnam 1 , an economist at Yale University, noted that « if one examines the dramas of Shakespeare, one will notice that quite often in his plays the action turns entirely or partly on economic questions. »

The comedy The Merchant of Venice (circa 1596) is undoubtedly the most striking example. While the plot of the story is generally well known, the deeper meaning of this play, which can be read on different levels, is often overlooked. The sequence of events (the story itself) is one, what they reveal (the principles) is another.

The narrative

To help out his protégé Bassanio and enable him to engage with his beloved Portia, a Catholic Venetian merchant and shipowner named Antonio borrows money from a Jewish moneylender, Shylock.

Shylock hates Antonio, the very archetype of the hypocritical Christian, because the latter treats him with contempt. Antonio, on the other hand, hates Shylock because he is Jewish and because he is a usurer: he lends at interest.

Shakespeare makes us understand that the prosperity of Venice is based on the mutual hatred fueled by the oligarchs between Jews and Christians, according to the famous principle of « Divide and rule. » 2

Double-dealing

The Venetian oligarchy never lacked imagination in circumventing the standards it imposed on its adversaries.

Indeed, among both Jews and Christians, financial usury is condemned and even punished. Interest, which is simply defined as the remuneration of a creditor by his debtor for having lent him capital, is a very ancient concept that probably dates back to the Sumerians and is also found in other ancient civilizations such as the Egyptians or the Romans.

Now, let us recall here that Judaism, which is the first of the Abrahamic religions, clearly prohibits lending at interest. We encounter numerous passages that condemn interest in the Torah, such as the book of Exodus 22:25-27, Leviticus 25:36-37 and Deuteronomy 23:20-21.

However, this prohibition only applies to loans within the Jewish community. In Deuteronomy 23:20-21, it is stated that

Initially, the same rule applied among Christians. It was not until the First Council of Nicaea (in 325) that lending at interest was prohibited. At the time, many churches were held by lineages of priests , just as nearby castles were controlled by lineages of lords, the two often being related. While its condemnation had been relatively mild in Christianity before then, interest became a serious sin and was heavily punished from the 1200s onwards.

The exploitation of Jews

Italy has been home to Jews since ancient times. They were dependent on popes, princes, or merchant republics. Rome, Sicily, and the Kingdom of Naples had large communities, and popes sometimes hired Jewish doctors. In the 13th century, some cities granted Jewish bankers, with papal license, a monopoly on pawnbroking.

Venice welcomed Jews but forbade them from practicing any profession other than lending for interest. Initially, the Jews publicly enriched themselves in Venice, drawing the ire of the rest of the population.

To « protect » the Jews, the Doge of Venice created the first ghetto (a Venetian word), offering, it must be said, the most unsanitary district of the lagoon to these Jews whom he detested while cherishing the financing they provided for Venetian colonial expeditions and the slave trade that « Catholic » Venice practiced without any qualms.

The Merchant of Venice

This is the essence of the Venetian system that Shakespeare unmasks in his comedy The Merchant of Venice . 3

So, when Antonio goes to ask Shylock for a loan of 3000 ducats for a period of three months, he first tells him:

Shylock then replies:

To which Antonio retorts:

A friendly exchange between Shylock (left) and Antonio, the Merchant of Venice. BBC, Globe Theatre, London.

Offended, Shylock replies:

Shylock, to escape from the mutual hatred, offers to lend him (according to the Jewish and Christian rule), as a friend, without interest.

But the « good » Catholic Antonio refuses to become friends with the Jew. He asserts that in business, one should not have friends , and demands that he lend to him as an enemy because it is easier to sanction in case of non-compliance with the contract.

As Churchill said, an empire has no friends, only interests. This principle would later be theorized by Nazi crown jurist Carl Schmidt to become the rule of today’s oligarchy: to exist, one needs an enemy, and if you lack one, hurry up to invent one!

The Venitian’s double game

As we can see, Shakespeare points out the hypocrisy of this Venetian system which bases its prosperity on a « win-win » policy, not between friends, but as a cynical game between concurring mafias.

Let us recall here that, although it was regularly at war with the Turks, Venice also created a ghetto for Turkish merchants and even a « Foundation », that is to say a functional trade representation in the city.

View of Venice in 1486.

If a Venetian ambassador was reproached for this trade with the Ottomans which threatened the West, he would reply: « As merchants, we cannot live without them. »

The Ottomans sold wheat, spices, raw silk, cotton, and ash (essential for glassmaking) to the Venetians, while Venice supplied them with finished products such as soap, paper, textiles, and… weapons. Although this was explicitly forbidden by the Pope, countries as France, England, the Low Countries, but especially Venice, Genoa, and Florence sold firearms and gunpowder to the Levant and the Turks. 8

Venice supplied the Turks with cannons and military engineers with its left hand, while renting ships at high prices to Christians who wanted to fight them with its right hand. Added to this was the rivalry with Genoa, which had allied itself with the Palaeologus dynasty but which the Ottomans defeated in favor of the Venetians.

In 1452, a year before the fall of Constantinople, the Hungarian engineer and founder Urban (or Orban), a specialist in large bombards, entered the service of the Ottomans. These cannons, he entrusted to the Sultan, were so powerful that they would bring down « the walls of Babylon. » We know what happened next in 1453.

15th century Turkish cannon.

When the Franks wanted to hire ships in Venice to go on crusade, they lacked money.

No problem: Venice finds the right arrangement. To pay for the ships’ rental, the Franks are invited to make a small detour along the route and begin the crusade by liberating Constantinople, which Venice wants to retake from the Ottomans. And it works! Venice increases its trading posts and military bases in Constantinople to expand its financial and commercial empire.

A Pound of Flesh

Faced with Antonio’s foolish and arrogant response, Shylock pushes his logic to the point of absurdity and, jokingly, suggests that if his debtor does not repay his debt on time, he would have the right to take a pound of flesh from him.

This can be seen as a literal and wacky interpretation of what was written on the « bonds » or « receipts of debt » of the time. Antonio, who is convinced that his ships will return to Venice in time to provide him with enough to repay Shylock, accepts the terms of the contract, almost laughing at their surreal nature.

This is where Shakespeare poses a fundamental question and offers us a beautiful lesson in economics, in the form of a tragic and paradoxical metaphor. In most ancient civilizations, failure to repay a debt could lead you to slavery, cost you your life, or send you to prison for the rest of your life. From monetary slavery, we thus moved on to physical slavery. 9

Later, for example, we find in the archives of the Antwerp courts the text of a trial in 1567 concerning an obligation between Coenraerd Schetz and Jan Spierinck:

You read that right: « by pledging myself. » Taken literally, the debtor pledges his person as surety to his creditor. Let us also recall that in France, imprisonment for private debts was instituted by a royal ordinance of Philip the Fair in March 1303. Apart from two periods of abolition, from 1793 to 1797 and in 1848, the imprisonment of debtors persisted in France until its abolition in 1867.

During the Renaissance, the Christian humanism of Petrarch, Erasmus, Rabelais, and Thomas More combined Socrates’ notion of justice with that of love for others, and a new principle emerged: the life of each individual is sacred and has a value immeasurably greater than any financial debt.

It is a questioning of this principle that turns Shakespeare’s comedy into a drama. Little by little, the spectator learns that Antonio’s ships have all been swept away by storms and other misfortunes. He therefore does not have the necessary means to repay his debt in time.

The Merchant of Venice must therefore accept that Shylock takes a pound of flesh from him as stipulated in the debt title he signed… a financial claim duely validated by a notary and the laws of the Venetian Republic.

Shylock contemplates extracting, as stipulated in his debt claim, a pound of flesh from the debtor, the Merchant of Venice, Antonio. Many are offended by his bloodthirsty behavior, but few by the Venetian system that permitted it.

To save Antonio’s life, his friends then offer the lender double the initial sum borrowed, but Shylock, driven by a sense of revenge, will not listen, angry moreover at the fact that his daughter has left his house with a young Christian merchant, taking with her a tidy sum of ducats and family jewels.

Shylock viciously responds to the Doge’s request to show mercy, saying that he is asking for nothing more… than the application of the law. He also reminds the Venetians that they are in no position to give moral lessons, because in Venice one can « buy » people:

To this, the impotent Doge offers no counterargument. He himself must obey the laws of the city. The only thing he has the right to do is to allow a doctor of law who has examined the case to deliver his expert opinion.

Turnaround of the situation

Here Shakespeare introduces Portia, who, disguised as a law doctor and acting in the name of a higher principle, love for humanity and good, will succeed in turning the tide. 11

Having acknowledged the validity of Shylock’s claim, she turns the tables with the kind of audacity we lack today. Regarding the claim, she notes an important detail concerning the implementation of the sanction:

Portia, disguised as a doctor of law, intervenes to find a happy outcome.

This is another beautiful lesson Shakespeare teaches us. How many excellent laws are worthless simply because their authors didn’t bother to specify their implementation? Do you know the laws that allow you to defend yourself against the injustices the system inflicts on you? Because if the devil is in the details, the good Lord is sometimes not far away. It’s up to you to go and find him.

Shakespeare reminds us that economics is not limited to law and mathematics. Every economic choice remains a societal choice. In reality, only « political economy » should be taught in our universities and theaters.

Presenting the science of economics and finance as an « objective » reality and not as a reality of human choices is the best proof that we are subject to propaganda.

In conclusion, let us emphasize that unlike Christopher Marlowe‘s play, The Jew of Malta (circa 1589), the main actor in Shakespeare’s play is not the evil Jew Shylock (as claimed by anti-Semites who performed distorted versions of the play during the dark periods of our history), but rather the very Catholic merchant of Venice who, as we have seen, uses the Jews for his own interests. Let us recall that in the Jewish ghetto of Venice, the Jews were only allowed to deal with finance but nothing else…

Finally, in The Merchant of Venice , Shakespeare unmasks the workings of a mad and criminal finance which knows how to use formal interpretations of law (the appearance of justice) to satisfy its greed (true injustice).

NOTES:

  1. Henry Farnam, Shakespeare as an economist, p. 437, Yale Publishing Association, New Haven; ↩︎
  2. See Sinan Guven, The Conflict Between Interest and Abrahamic Religions , HEConomist, the student newspaper; ↩︎
  3. All the following quotes from Shakespeare’s The Merchant of Venice are taken from the website Litcharts; ↩︎
  4. Act 1, Scene 3; ↩︎
  5. Act 1, Scene 3; ↩︎
  6. Act 1, Scene 3; ↩︎
  7. Act 1, Scene 3; ↩︎
  8. Salim Aydoz, Artillery Trade of the Ottoman Empire, Muslim Heritage website, Sept. 2006; ↩︎
  9. A case in point is the history of Haiti. See Invade Haiti, Wall Street urged, New York Times, 2022. ↩︎
  10. Act 4, Scene 1; ↩︎
  11. The principle of a « Promethean » woman intervening disguised as a man for the good of humanity will be, with the person of Leonore, at the center of Fidelio, Beethoven’s unique opera; ↩︎
  12. Act 4, Scene 1; ↩︎

Merci de partager !

The 1561 Landjuweel of Antwerp made Art a Weapon for Peace

Cet article, en FR

Antwerp

By Karel Vereycken, April 2025

Summary

Introduction

Of course, as it is well known, it is the victors who write history. Not that of humanity, but their own. The history of the « losers » falls by the wayside. Therefore, in the Low Countries, be it Belgium or the Netherlands, the official churches, be they Catholic, Lutheran or Calvinist, and ruling elites, chosen by Spain and the British, have carefully erased from the books the truth about the revolutionary role and impact of Erasmus. 1

As we document here, Erasmus succeded, through his noble spirit and delicious wit, to mobilize quite a large following, not only in educated layers of the European elites, but in a broad part of the rising middle-class working people, a social layer which might resemble today’s « Yellow Vests ».

1616 Ommegang of Brussels.

For modern people, of course, the religious processions, parades of giants, and masked carnivals of Venice, Rio de Janeiro, or Dunkirk in France appear as sympathetic as mere folkloric manifestations on UNESCO’s list of the intangible cultural heritage of France and Belgium. Appealing, no doubt, but without any connection to « true culture »!

Qualifying these events and traditions as « folkloric » results mostly from a lack of knowledge and understanding of real history. Regarding both the intent and the content of some of these festivals, such as the « Landjuweel » of Ghent in 1539 and the one in Antwerp in 1561, with five thousand participants and many more spectators, placing art, poetry and music as the true source of durable peace and harmony among nations, states and peoples, in terms of refinement and beauty, it can be said that they rival, and I would even say surpass many supposedly « cultural » events of today.

The Chambers of Rhetoric

Burgundian Low Countries around 1500.

At the origin of these poetry festivals and competitions of the Landjuweel type, literary and drama societies called Kamers van rhetorike (Chambers of Rhetoric) which emerged from the end of the XIVth century in the northwest of France and in the former Low Countries, above all in the County of Flanders and the Duchy of Brabant.

While in the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries these chambers became literary clubs for a bourgeoisie enjoying exercises in eloquence and rhyme, in these early days rhetorical culture was not socially an elite culture, as most rhetoricians were tradespeople and did not belong to the ruling elite of their city.

Recent research has confirmed that the rhetorical chambers of Flanders and Brabant primarily recruited their members from the urban middle classes, more specifically from the circles of artisans (masons, joiners, carpenters, dyers, printers, painters, etc.), merchants, clerks, practitioners of intellectual professions, and merchants. 11

In 1530, among the 42 members of the Brussels Chamber of De Corenbloem, there were 32 craftsmen (butchers, brewers, millers, carpenters, tile layers, comb makers, fishermen, coachbuilders, stonemasons, etc. = 76.2%). 12

In the artistic professions, there was a glazier and two painters (7.1%), in commerce, a fruit seller, an innkeeper, a skipper and a rag seller (9.5%). The remaining members were a civil servant, a harp-player and an announcer.

Composition of the membership of De Corenbloem, by profession.

For the period 1400-1650, records were found of 227 Dutch-speaking chambers of rhetoric in the Southern Low Countries and the Principality of Liège, meaning that virtually every town had at least one. In 1561, the Duchy of Brabant had about 40 recognized chambers of rhetoric, while the County of Flanders had 125. 13

Their organization was similar to that of the corporations: at the head of each chamber was the dean, usually a clergyman (the chambers retained a religious aspect). Since their creation, the chambers were of two kinds: the free (vrye), enjoying a communal grant, and the subject (onvrye or vrywillige), having no grant, but reporting to a supreme chamber (hoofdkamer). Among the rhetoricians were the founders (ouders), and the members (broeders or gezellen); at the head of all were an emperor, a prince, often a hereditary prince (opperprins or erfprins); then came an honorary president (hoofdman), a grand dean, a dean, an auditor (fiscael), a standard-bearer (vaendraeger or Alpherus), and a boy (knaep), who sometimes dabbled in poetry.

The most important of all were the « factors » or « factors », that is to say the poets who were in charge of the « factie » (composition), poems, plays, farces and the organization of festivities. Initially in the bosom of the ecclesiastics, the Chambers took their independence and established themselves, in practical terms, as a « Festival Committee », charged by the municipal authorities with brightening up with poetry and splendor the joyous entries and cultural events throughout the year.

Rehabilitation

Further research, primarily in the Netherlands, has led scholars to « rehabilitate » the Chambers of Rhetoric, now considered of having been institutions that played a major role in the development of vernacular Dutch during the period 1450-1620. 14

Admittedly, mostly composed as dialogues among allegorical figures, a legacy of the Middle Ages and the troubadour tradition, artistically speaking, with some exceptions, most of these plays never reached the level or quality of dramatic intensity or refinement of Shakespeare or Schiller.

But as we shall see, the desire and intent to emancipate the people through a form of literary and musical art that uplifts by its moral content and liberates through ironical « cathartic » laughter was clearly central to their admirable objectives.

Jeroen Vandommele suggests that experts should rethink their views:

The respected Dutch historian Herman Pleij, who has contributed to a better understanding of the phenomenon and gave a major boost to this approach by demonstrating, from the 1970s onwards, the potential of XVth- and XVIth-century literature to generate what he calls « late medieval urban culture, » a true expression of an autonomous civic and urban culture. 16

According to him, their works were intended to unleash a « civilizing offensive » that would encourage the urban elite and middle classes to develop intellectually and morally and to distinguish (and dissociate) themselves from their less civilized urban counterparts.

Jousts, competitions and other festivals

Mystery Play.

The Chambers cultivated the art of poetry by competing against each other in competitions that were among the major events they organized for themselves or for the public. Each chamber itself set the frequency of the competitions and the value of the prizes, often quite symbolic, that could be won. While for some chambers, four competitions per year were enough, for the Antwerp chamber, De Violieren, it was a weekly competition!

Very quickly, these activities gave rise to public festivities, celebrated successively in all the major cities. The Landjuweel skillfully combined several genres of theatrical and musical dramaturgy, which had previously been separate, into a single large city festival:

  • The “Mystery Plays » and « Miracle Plays » (Mirakel-spelen, passie-spelen) street theater or large tableaux vivants, sometimes on floats (wagen-spelen). The Mystère de la Passion by Arnoul de Gréban, performed thousands of times throughout France, was a play of 34,000 verses requiring 394 actors reenacting the last five days of the life of Christ.
  • The « Feast of Fools » or « Feast of the Innocents », masquerades and disguises organized by « joyous societies » in which the clergy had actively participated since the XIIth century. We were then witnessing a total reversal of society: the woman became the boy, the child the bishop, the teacher the student, … The pope was elected, the bishop of fools, the abbot of fools, old shoes were burned in censers, people danced in churches while mumbling Latin in such a way as to trigger many fits of laughter. People danced and sang, accompanied for this by musicians who played wind instruments (flute, trumpet or bagpipes) or string instruments (hurdy-gurdy, harp, lute). It was not uncommon to find serious confusion reigning within convents: nocturnal relations between the abbot of fools and the minor abbesses or even mock weddings between a bishop and a superior. For the Feast of Fools, the lower clergy disguised themselves, wore hideous masks and smeared themselves with soot. The costume and attributes of fools became established in the XVth century. Popes, councils and various authorities published texts aimed at suppressing the said festival from the XIIth century onwards.
  • The Ommegang (literally « going around » the church and the city) were religious processions, organized by the church and the crossbowmen’s guilds in honor of the saints whose statues were carried on their shoulders. If in Brussels, the Ommegang became an opportunity for nobles to exhibit themselves in the city (as in 1549 to show their loyalty to the Spanish occupier), in Antwerp, two Ommegangs followed one another: the first, religious, at Pentecost, the second, on the feast of the Assumption, with a strong secular participation of the guilds, trades and chambers of rhetoric, each of them contributing a float to a procession in the streets of the city.
  • Carnival, the new name given by the Church to the « Saturnalia, » the great eight-day Roman festivities in honor of Saturn, god of agriculture and time, during the winter solstice. This period of costumed celebrations and freedoms, particularly in Venice, which developed between the XIth and XIIIth centuries, was supervised by the Church, which considered it necessary to avoid popular revolts. It featured a reversal of roles and the election of a false king. Slaves were then free to speak and act as they wished and were served by their masters. The festivities were accompanied by large meals.

The Rhetoricians rightly believed that these genres complemented each other perfectly. The festivals therefore alternated, without losing the hierarchy of the depth of the meaning that one wanted to convey, both pieces with spiritual and religious content (mysteries, passions) and pieces with philosophical, didactic and moralizing content (zinne-spelen), without forgetting satire, farce and other humorous things (sotties, esbattements, etc.).

Feast of fools (after 1550). Brussels city museum.

Historically, the stage where such events took place moved from the nave of churches, first to the forecourt of cathedrals and finally to the public space in the wider sense, first in the open air (in the Great Square, in the cemetery, on a chariot) before being forced by the authorities to occur exclusively in closed halls.

Among the competitions organized by the Chambers of Rhetoric, the oldest known was that of Brussels in 1394. The one in Oudenaarde, which took place in 1413, is better documented. These were followed by those of Furnes in 1419, Dunkirk in 1426, Bruges in 1427 and 1441, Mechelen in 1427 and Damme in 1431.

Landjuweel

The Landjuwelen were originally a cycle of seven competitions between communal militias practicing their skills in the use of weapons: the Schutterijen of the Duchy of Brabant. The highest luminaries of the country attended such shootings; they were even honored by sovereigns.

The idea was to organize a Landjuweel every three years. The winner of the first competition would organize the next competition and so on; the winners of the seventh Landjuweel would start a new cycle. The winner of the first tournament, having obtained a silver cup, would make two silver dishes for the winner of the second Landjuweel in a cycle, and the latter would in turn make three for the winner of the next competition, and so on until the seventh tournament in the cycle.

There was close cooperation between the knightly societies of the cities of Bruges and Lille in Flanders, as well as between Bruges and Brussels. Like Bruges, Lille organized an annual tournament, « L’Espinette. »

Every February, a delegation from Bruges came to Lille to compete in the tournament, just as the inhabitants of Lille participated in the annual competition of the White Bear in Bruges, which took place in May. This spectacle gave rise to festivities to which the poets of Bruges also contributed. They wrote the scenarios for the esbattements, recited praises, and reported on these activities in their chronicles.

There were no quarrels about differences of languages. Prizes were established to reward works in either French or Dutch, depending on the lingua franca of the city where the competition was held. But sometimes, at the same competition, a prize was awarded for works in both languages. This was notably the case in Ghent in 1439. Prizes were also awarded for the most beautiful entry.

Themes in the form of questions were suggested, which only authorized chambers could answer in verse. These questions were resolved by the « factors » and generally had a moral or political purpose. Thus, in 1431, in the midst of the wars between France and Flanders allied to Britain, the Chamber of Rhetoric of Arras, formerly a city named Atrecht in the Burgundian Low Countries, posed the question « Why is peace, so eagerly desired, so slow in coming »? Note that in 1435, the Peace of Arras, organized by the friends of Nicolas Cusanus, Jacques Coeur and Yolande d’Aragon, sealed the end of the Hundred Years’ War. 17

Political and economic context

Through alliances and marriages, the Burgundian Low Countries fell under the control of the Habsburg family, who were completely at the mercy of the famous Augsburg bank, the evil Fuggers, known as the fathers of « financial fascism ». 18

Hence, when Maximilian I, of the Habsburg family and Holy Roman Emperor, died in 1519, he owed Jacob Fugger approximately 350,000 florins. To prevent default on this investment, Fugger assembled a cartel of bankers to gather all the necessary bribe money to enable Maximilian’s grandson, Charles V, to buy the vote and succeed him to the throne. Thus, Jacob Fugger, in direct liaison with Margaret of Austria, who joined the project because of her fears for peace in Europe, centrally gathered the money to bribe each Elector, taking advantage of the opportunity to dramatically strengthen his monopolistic positions, particularly over competitors such as the Welsers and the rapidly expanding port of Antwerp. 19

Charles V, in the 1520s, had to borrow at 18% and even 49% between 1553 and 1556. To maintain the enormous expenditures to oversee his vast Empire, Charles V had no choice but to pursue a predatory policy. He sold his mines to appease the bankers, gave them carte blanche to colonize the New World, and consented to the pillaging of the most prosperous region of his Empire, Flanders and Brabant, which were subject to taxes and tithes to pay for the « war economy. » 20

The rather spectacular rise of the Northern Renaissance, which gained access, thanks to the learning of Greek, Latin and Hebrew, notably thanks to the Three Language College founded by Erasmus in Louvain in 1515 21, to science and all the wealth of the classical period, was to collide head-on with the battering rams of feudal finance which had become an ogre.

Charles V ordered that a list of authors to be proscribed be drawn up in his states, thus foreshadowing the establishment of the Index a few years later. From 1520 to 1550, he promulgated thirteen repressive edicts against heresy, introducing a modern inquisition based on the Spanish model.

Mary of Hungary, portrait by Hans Knell.

The application of these « placards » remained rather weak until the arrival of Philip II due to the lukewarm attitude of Queen Regent Mary of Hungary (1505-1558) and local elites towards them. Their application was entrusted to the urban and provincial judicial authorities, as well as to the Grand Council of Mechelen, with the supervision of a specific tribunal, established in 1522 in the Burgundian Low Countries based on the model of the Spanish Inquisition.

In 1540, the Jesuit order was founded, initially tasked with obtaining by word what could not be obtained by the sword. It quickly turned to the use of theater! From 1545 to 1563, the Council of Trent met to impose reforms and seek to eradicate Protestant heresy. Reading the Bible was now forbidden to ordinary mortals, as was discussing and illustrating it. Albrecht Dürer, the great German engraver and geometer based in Antwerp, packed his bags in 1521 to return to Nuremberg, and Erasmus went into exile in Basel the same year. The great Flemish cartographer Gerard Mercator, educated by the Erasmians and suspected of heresy, was imprisoned in 1544. Released from prison, he went into exile in Germany in 1552. Because of their religious beliefs, Jan and Cornelis, the two sons of Quinten Matsys 22, left Antwerp and went into exile in 1544.

Charles V abdicated in 1555 to leave his place to his son Philip II. The latter returned to Spain and entrusted the regency of the Burgundian Low Countries to his half-sister Margaret of Parma (1522-1586).

While the administration of the Burgundian Low Countries was officially carried out through the Council of State, composed of the stadholders and the high nobility, a secret council (the consulta) created by Philip II and composed of Charles de Berlaymont (1510-1578), Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle (1517-1582) and Viglius van Aytta (1507-1577) was responsible for making the most important decisions, particularly concerning taxation, order, administration and religion, and thus transformed the Council of State into a simple consultative chamber.

Three disputes quickly arose: the presence of Spanish troops in the Seventeen Provinces, the establishment of new dioceses in the Burgundian Low Countries, and the fight against Protestantism. Spanish troops remaining from the Italian Wars, approximately 3,000 strong, were not paid and were pillaging the country. After much hesitation by Philip II, and under threat of the simultaneous resignation of Orange and Egmont, the troops finally left in January 1561.

1523, execution of heretics in Brussels.

The first victims of persecution in Europe were Antwerp’s Hendrik Vos and Jan Van Essen, two augustinian monks who had become friends of Luther, executed in Brussels on July 1, 1523. 23 The first Walloon victim was the Tournai theologian Jean Castellain, executed in Vic, Lorraine, on January 12, 1525. 24

Many victims were Catholic clergy who had converted to the Reformation, but also many women. From 1529, the persecutions took a dramatic turn following the adoption of the imperial placard generalizing the death penalty. 40% of executions for heresy in the West between 1523 and 1565 occurred in the Burgundian Low Countries. The 17 Provinces were one of the regions that suffered the highest rate of death sentences relative to its entire population. Approximately 1,500 people were executed, an intensity thirty times higher than in France. 25

They will only strengthen the opposition to the tyranny which will lead in 1576 William of Orange (known as « The Silent ») to take the lead in the revolt of the Burgundian Low Countries, ending 80 years later with the split between the north (the Netherlands, predominantly Protestant) and the south (Belgium, exclusively Catholic).

Ghent, 1539

Stage of the Ghent Landjuweel of 1539.

In June 1539, the De Fonteine (The Fountain) Chamber of Ghent summoned the dramatic and literary societies of the country to a great landjuweel in honor of the Holy Trinity, for which Emperor Charles V granted permission and a month’s safe conduct to those wishing to participate.

An invitation charter was published on this subject. It posed, for the morality play, a question thus formulated: « What is the greatest consolation of the dying man? »

This subject clearly echoes one of Erasmus‘s popular writings, quickly translated into Dutch in the year of its publication in 1534, De preparatione ad Mortem. 26

Nineteen rhetorician societies responded to the call: these were chambers established in Antwerp, Oudenaarde, Axel, Bergues, Bruges, Brussels, Courtrai, Deinze, Enghien, Kaprijke, Leffinge, Lo (in the Furnes Trade), Menin, Messines, Neuve-Église, Nieuwpoort, Tielt, Tirlemont, and Ypres.

The chamber known as « De Violieren » from Antwerp won first prize. Pieter Huys de Bergues won second prize, consisting of three silver vases weighing seven marks on which the entrance to an academy was engraved. His poem comprises about five hundred verses in Dutch, and it features five allegorical figures under the names of Benevolence, Observance of the Laws, the Consoled Heart, Consolation, and the Contrite Heart. Each of them lists the goods in which man finds happiness at the hour of death. For De Violieren, the greatest consolation was « the resurrection of the body, » a purely Catholic dogma.

But that was without counting on the « off » part of the competition. Because the three other questions, to be answered in chorus, were:

  • « Which animal in the world gains the most strength? »
  • « Which nation in the world shows the most madness? »
  • « Would I be relieved if I could talk to him? »

As a result, the majority of allegorical plays performed were bloody satires against the Pope, monks, indulgences, pilgrimages, Cardinal Granvelle, etc. The compositions of the Ghent laureates were published first in quarto format, then in duodecimo.

From the moment they appeared, these plays were banned, and it was not without reason that, later, this landjuweel was cited as the first to have stirred the literary country in favor of the Protestant Reformation. These works being far from favorable to the Spanish regime, the Duke of Alba ordered their suppression by the Index of 1571 and, later, the government of the Burgundian Low Countries even banned theatrical performances of the Chambers of Rhetoric.

The influence of Erasmus

Erasmus in Matsys’ studio in Antwerp, painting by Eugène Siberdt (1851-1931). On the right, Matsys’ famous painting of the avaricious taxcollectors.

In Antwerp, Erasmus‘s influence was notable, and his presence was sought after. Well-known was his friendship to the city’s secretary Pieter Gilles 27, an Antwerp erudite humanist dearly appreciated by Thomas More 28 who integrated Gillis poems in his opus majus, Utopia. To please More, Pieter Gillis and Erasmus got their portraits done by Quinten Matsys29 to whom they offered their double portrait. Gillis house in Antwerp was also a regular meeting point for all the leading humanists of that time.

Den Grooten Spiegel, Gillis’ house in Antwerp.

Between 1523 and 1584, 21 publishers published no fewer than 47 editions of the humanist’s works, and the rhetorician Cornelis Crul, before 1550, translated the Colloquies and other major works into Dutch.

Most rhetoricians mastered Latin and could therefore read Erasmus in the original. Some Latin schools, as documented in the case of Gouda for the year 152130, included selected writings for each grade in their curriculum. The humanist’s prestige spread throughout Europe.

Ferdinand Columbus (1488-1539), the very bibliophile son of Christopher Columbus, not only acquired a vast series of his works, but also traveled to Louvain in October 1520 to meet their author. 31

In a letter dated 1521, Hieronymus Aleander (1480-1542), the legate of Pope Leo X, warned of « elements having bad reputation » who were thriving in Antwerp. They presented themselves « as the defenders of good literature and were all from the school of our friend who became a great name [Erasmus]. » Aleander added that « He [Erasmus] has spoiled all of Flanders! » 32

Erasmus in 1532, by Hans Holbein the Younger.

De Violieren and the Guild of Saint Luke

The emblem of De Violieren of Antwerp for the Landjuweel.

Also in Antwerp, a Chamber of Rhetoric, De Violieren (The Gillyflowers), was officially created in 1480 within the Guild of Saint Luke, the artists’ guild dating back from 1382.

The rhetoricians’ motto was « Uyt ionsten versaemt » (United by affection. But « ionsten » is also close to « consten », the Flemish word for arts).

This symbiosis produced fruitful results. For most historians, De Violieren were, in a way, the literary branch of the Guild of Saint Luke.

The latter was composed of all trades related to the fine arts, including painters, sculptors, illuminators, engravers, and printers. Until 1664, the guild had its headquarters on the north side of Antwerp’s Grote Markt, in the Spaengien or Spanish House.

Between 1460 and 1560, to finance its activities, the Church rented out to artists the Onze-Lieve-Vrouwepand, a claustrum with galleries surrounding an open courtyard. In this building, art painters, sculptors, cabinetmakers and booksellers could rent a stand where they could display their wares for sale. It was the largest art fair in what was then Europe. After 1560, the market moved to the second floor of the new Handelsbeurs (Trade Exchange).

The Saint-Luke artist guild:

The Liggeren, archives of Antwerp’s Saint-Luke painters guild.
  • In 1491, Erasmus’s friend, the painter Quinten Matsys 33, was listed as a master. One of his major commissions, the Triptych of the Lamentation of Christ, came from the carpenters’ guild. According to the Antwerp chief city archivist Van den Branden, Matsys himself was a member of De Violieren and wrote poems for their contests.
  • In 1515, Matsys was joined in the Guild of Saint Luke by two other great artists equally inspired by the spirit of Erasmus, Joachim Patinir (1480-1524) and Gerard David (1460-1523).
  • In 1519, the guild registers (The Liggeren 34) mention the registration of Jan Sanders van Hemessen (1500-1566), whose daughter Catharina (1528-1565) would become the first female painter in 1548 – and teacher of painting to men – to be admitted to the painters’ guild;
  • In 1527, that of Pieter Coecke van Aelst (1502-1550), Bruegel’s master;
  • in 1531, those of Matsys’s two children, Jan and Cornelis;
  • in 1540, that of Peter Baltens (1527-1584);
  • in 1545, that of the engraver and printer Hieronymous Cock (1510-1570) whose workshop produced prints of Bruegel and Dutch revolutionary poet and translator Dirk Coornhert (1522-1590), close friend and collaborator of William the Silent (1533-1583);
  • in 1550, that of the great printer Christophe Plantin (1520-1589);
  • and in 1551, that of Pieter Bruegel the Elder (1525-1569). 35

The daily exchanges between the rhetoricians and the most important artists of the day had a beneficial influence on their activities and, after a few years, made them one of the most successful societies in Brabant.

Proofreaders at the Plantin printingshop.

In the most important competitions, De Violieren won laurels: first prize in 1493 in Brussels, in 1515 in Mechelen and in 1539 in Ghent, in a memorable fight in which 19 chambers from different regions of the country participated.

In August 1541, a competition was held in Diest, organized by the local Chamber De Lelie in which ten other chambers from Brabant participated. The grand prize was awarded to the Antwerp Chamber, De Violieren, for the presentation of an esbattement (farce).

Antwerp, 1561

As was customary, the Chamber that won the best prize was in turn to organize a Landjuweel. This was also the opinion of De Violieren, after his feat in Diest; however, the circumstances of the time meant that the subject was postponed. 20 years passed before anyone could think of organizing such an artistic competition.

Three leaders of De Violieren, with great courage, will fully commit to the initiative, risking their reputation, honor, life and heritage:

Anthonis van Stralen.
  • Anthonis van Stralen (1521-1568) was the leader of De Violieren. As a member of the Antwerp city council, Van Stralen had been closely involved in obtaining the patent. His appointment as city leader, two months before the first attempt at rapprochement with the Council of Brabant, must have been a strategic move on the part of De Violieren. In May 1561, he was promoted to mayor of Antwerp, perhaps as a reward for his services. The success of the Landjuweel was largely due to the cooperation between the Antwerp magistrate and De Violieren’s board.
  • Melchior Schetz (c. 1513-1583) was the Prince of De Violieren. He was Van Stralen’s brother-in-law and also an alderman.

    He was one of the three children (Gaspard, Balthasar and Melchior) of the leading Antwerp merchant Erasmus Schetz (died in 1550), known as the « banker of Erasmus ». 36 With his three sons, he set up a major banking and merchant firm. 37 His friendship with Erasmus is symptomatic of the popularity Erasmus enjoyed in Antwerp. He provided him with his hospitable residence: the Huis van Aken, a palace where he had received Charles V himself. In a letter, he made him, among other things, this tempting proposition:

    « My heart and the souls of so many people long for your presence among us. I have often wondered what enchantment it was that kept you there rather than among us. Peter Gillis [city secretary and their mutual friend] gave me a reason: we do not have Burgundy wine, which best suits your temperament, do not fear this, and if this is the only obstacle holding you back, do not hesitate to come back; we will see to it that you are supplied with wine, and not only Burgundy wine, but also Persian and Indian wine if you desire and need it . »

    As Prince of De Violieren, his son Melchior represented the chamber most often publicly. He must also have been responsible for the financial organization of the Chamber. Schetz was one of the largest moneylenders in Antwerp. There is no doubt that the city financially facilitated the organization of the festival.
  • Willem van Haecht (1530-1585) : Born into a family of painters and engravers, he was a draughtsman and, presumably, also a bookseller by profession. His motto was Behaegt Gods wille (translated as « conform to the will of God »). Van Haecht was a friend of the Brussels humanist and author Johan Baptista Houwaert (1533-1599). He compares Houwaert to Cicero in the introductory eulogy to Houwaert’s The Lusthof der Maechden, written by him and published in 1582 or 1583. In his eulogy, Van Haecht states that every sensible man should recognize that Houwaert writes with eloquence and excellence. Van Haecht wrote lyrics for various songs, usually of Christian inspiration. This is the case for the lyrics of a five-part polyphonic song, Ghelijc den dach hem baert, diet al verclaert, probably composed by Hubert Waelrant (1517-1595) for the overture to the play De Violieren at the landjuweel of 1561. The poem was also printed on a loose leaf with musical notation. As early as 1552, Van Haecht was affiliated with De Violieren, whose members included Cornelis Floris de Vriendt (1514-1575), the main architect of the Renaissance-style Town Hall in Antwerp, as well as painters Frans Floris de Vriendt (c. 1519-1570) and Maerten de Vos (1532-1603). Van Haecht became the « factor » (title poet) of De Violieren in 1558.

Other people involved in the organization of the Landjuweel included printers such as Jan de Laet (1524-1566) and renowned artists such as Hieronymus Cock (c. 1510-1570) (founder of the In de Vier Winden printing house which published Bruegel’s engravings) and Jacob Grimmer (1510-1590).

The other major figure was Peeter Baltens (1527-1584) 38 an Antwerp painter, rhetorician, engraver and publisher. Baltens was a member of the Guild of Saint Luke and De Violieren. Having partly trained Bruegel, Baltens’ role proved particularly important.

He formed close friendships (notably with the widows of both Hieronymus Cock (c. 1510-1570) and Pieter Coecke van Aelst (1502-1550), the latter also being Bruegel’s stepmother) and collaborated with the greatest names in Antwerp of his time.

He associated with Antwerp patricians such as Jonker Jan van der Noot (1539-1595), the wealthy Schetz merchant family, and wealthy merchants such as Nicolaes Jonghelinck (1517-1570), merchant banker and Bruegel’s financial backer.

According to Lode Goukens,

Den Grooten Robijn, residence of Antwerp mayor Anthony van Stralen.

Herman Pleij notes that the Rhetoricians have as consignment to repolish the reputation of the Antwerp merchant by making the distinction between the honest ones and the sharks. 40

Research into the relationships between painters, poets (or rederijkers), and merchants has shown that these three groups developed a common cultural lifestyle in the XVIth century, in which the love of science and art occupied a central place.

To launch a rhetoric competition, permission had to be obtained from the country’s government, which was no longer easily done at that time. This was a consequence of the Ghent competition of 1539, when the ideas of new doctrines against the institutions of the Catholic religion were presented and defended without the slightest qualm.

However, De Violieren and the elected representatives of Antwerp (Van Stralen and Schetz) were fiercely determined to be able to organize their Landjuweel. The man who did the most to delay obtaining authorization was the hated Cardinal Perrenot de Granvelle (1517-1582), Archbishop of Mechelen and advisor to Margaret of Parma (1522-1586), following the abdication of the Emperor, her brother Charles V, the regent of the Burgundian Low Countries.

Organization of the Landjuweel

In February 1561, the delegates of the city of Antwerp approached Granvelle with a petition to the regent, in which they argued that De Violieren, compared to the other Chambers, were statutorily obliged to organize a competition.

Antoine Perrenot de Granvelle.

Granvelle hoped to torpedo the initiative, but realizing that a brutal rejection would have inflamed the opposition, he sought various pretexts to postpone the event indefinitely. He politely made it clear to the delegates that he wished to postpone such an event for a while longer, using the pretext that, thanks to the peace agreement between France and the Habsburgs, the war had just been suspended, and that such festivals represented significant expenses, while the country could not or would not bear the costs. This did little to deter the people of Antwerp. They replied that the previous year, permission had been granted to the Chamber of Vilvoorde and that a postponement could not reasonably be imagined. Sensing that they would only renounce it with immense disgust, Granvelle reluctantly agreed to present their request to Marguerite, while asserting that the government had given itself the right to levy taxes on all those who came to the competition.

Fearing above all that the festival would become a sounding board for all those criticizing the Spanish occupation and the abuses of the Church, Granvelle also summoned them to inform the participating chambers that they would not intervene in their plays, their esbattements or their poems with a single word against religion, the clergy or the government, otherwise they would not only lose the prize they might have won, but would also be punished and deprived of their privileges and rights; and that the Chamber of Antwerp should ensure that the city was well guarded during the festivities and that no disturbances could arise.

Margaret of Parma.

Margaret of Parma, often at odds with Madrid, was less fearful and more open.

After consulting the report provided by the Council of Brabant, which was well aware that too much repression encouraged protest, she placed the apostille on March 22, 1561, inviting the Chancellor of the Duchy to provide Antwerp with the sealed letters required to organize the Landjuweel.

These letters were issued the same day in the name of the king and granted safe conduct from fourteen days before the start until fourteen days after the end of the Landjuweel to all those who wished to attend, with the exception of

The Antwerp Chamber submitted 24 themes as potential topics for the Landjuweel competition (seen below). Among those, Margaret of Parma approved three topics among which the Chamber was free to pick one. 42

  • Does experience or learning bring more wisdom? »
  • « What most leads man towards the arts? »
  • « Why does a rich and greedy man desire more wealth? »

Philosophy

To show how much our rhetoricians, under the direction of Van Straelen and Schertz, dealt with philosophical and political questions of all kinds, here are the whole of the twenty-four subjects which they had submitted 43:

  1. What made Rome triumph?
  2. What caused Rome to decline the most?
  3. Is it experience or knowledge that brings more wisdom?
  4. What can lead man most towards Art?
  5. What feeds art?
  6. Why is man so desirous of temporal things?
  7. What shortens the days of men?
  8. What lengthens the days of men?
  9. Why is average wealth the most happiness in the world?
  10. What is the greatest prosperity in this world ?
  11. What is the biggest setback in this world?
  12. How is it that all things are consumed every day?
  13. If a miserly man can be discouraged?
  14. Why does a rich miser desires even more wealth?
  15. Why does wealth not extinguish greed?
  16. Why is amusement followed by displeasure?
  17. Why does lust breed remorse?
  18. Why does lust bring its own punishment?
  19. How did the Romans achieve such a great prosperity?
  20. What sort of government kept the Romans prosperous ?
  21. What art is most necessary for a city?
  22. What can bring the world more rest [peace] ?
  23. What most drives people to worldly pride?
  24. What would be the best way to eradicate usery?

At first glance, one could say that by choosing the question « What can lead man most towards Art? »44, Van Stralen and Schetz choose the least « political » subject. This is to misunderstand Erasmus and Platonic thought for whom beauty and goodness form a unity and for whom any government that does not promote beauty, neglects it or worse still, despises it, condemns itself to failure! In practice, poets starting from this higher principle, ended blasting, without explicitly naming them, all the criminals and warmongereres of those days.

Moreover, Willem van Haecht, the « factor » (official poet) of De Violieren, in the play he composed especially for the Landjuweel of Antwerp in 1561, would say that what led Empires to their decline was, as it still is today, their lack of esteem for the Arts, including obviously Rhetoric.

So, it was on this theme that the 5000 participants (!) of the Landjuweel, and beyond a large part of the country, began to reflect, to compose songs, dramas, refrains, allegories, rebuses, pintings and farces and presented them to thousands of fellow citizens.

Amazingly, two centuries before (!) Friedrich Schiller, the German poet that earned the name of « poet of freedom » and who inspired many revolutions at the end of the XVIIIth century, a humanist elite enlightened by Erasmus in the Low Countries led a substantial part of the country to rise up to the conditions of a durable peace by emancipating itself from serfdom and ignorance through moral beauty! The Antwerp Landjuweel of 1561 was much more than a feast, it was a shift of paradigm and a real game changer. Hats off!

After receiving permission, the Chamber of Rhetoric and the City Council immediately set about giving the great literary festival as much pomp as possible. A rhymed invitation card was drawn up, stating the subject of the competition and the prizes to be won.

Melchior Schetz, prince of De Violieren, parading in the streets of Antwerp at the Landjuweel of 1561.

On April 23, this invitation card was presented by Mayor Nicolaas Rockox, in the presence of Melchior Schetz and Anthonis van Stralen, at the Antwerp City Hall to four sworn messengers, who were instructed to convey it to all the Chambers of Rhetoric in Brabant and to invite them to the Landjuweel as well. These messengers traveled at the city’s expense and first went to Leuven, the oldest city in Brabant. Everywhere, the news of a Landjuweel in Antwerp was greeted with extraordinary joy, and the messengers were very generously received.

While in most cities of Brabant the rhetoricians were busy composing and teaching plays and poems, making triumphal chariots and painting coats of arms, in Antwerp they were not inactive.

De Violieren had beautiful new clothes made for its members, at the suggestion of Melchior Schetz, for the welcoming ceremony offered to the participants.

Stage of the Antwerp 1561 Landjuweel.

An elegant theatre stage was erected on Antwerp’s Grote Markt (Great Square), designed by Cornelis Floris. Coincidentally, it was installed on the exact spot where the Inquisition had been beheading « heretics. » The audience watched the performances standing, with the exception of the jury and high-ranking officials, for whom benches were provided.

There was excitement and liveliness everywhere; every citizen wanted to do their part to welcome the foreign guests with all possible pomp and wealth. The city council, for its part, had taken the necessary measures.

All residents of the streets where the rhetoricians were to pass were ordered to clear the streets and remove any scaffolding or obstacles that might hinder their passage.

Everyone was eagerly awaiting August 3rd, the day when the formal entry would take place and the Landjuweel games would begin.

A memorable day

Antwerp City Hall (left) designed by Cornelis Floris Devriendt.

August 3, 1561, is indeed a memorable day in the history of Antwerp. The city was dressed in its festive attire; on the facades of houses, flags, pennants, and festoons; in public places, graceful arches in the opulent Renaissance style.

It’s no secret that the people of Antwerp like to make a lot of money. But they also like to spend it lavishly! In that marvelous XVIth century, they took pleasure in displaying a splendor on such occasions that, so to speak, surpasses our imagination.

Juerken, the jester or fool of De Violieren at the 1561 Antwerp Landjuweel.

Everywhere there was joy and life. Many strangers passed through the streets; all, foreigners and locals alike, agreed to maintain the best possible order amidst this agitation and commotion. 45

At 2:00 p.m., the « brothers » of De Violieren guild gathered to ride together to the Keizerspoort to meet the participating chambers. There were 65 of them, mounted on magnificently adorned horses, in their precious uniforms. These consisted of tabards of purple silk, striped with white satin or silver cloth, white doublets striped with red, white stockings and boots, and purple hats with red, white, and purple plumes.

At the Keizerspoort, the participating foreign chambers were solemnly received. There were 14 of them, and to the sound of bugles and the cheers of the crowd, they entered Antwerp, following the Huidevetterstraat, the Eiermarkt, and the Melkmarkt to the Grote Markt in front of the City Hall (at that time under construction).

Artistic representation of the Antwerp 1561 Landjuweel, painted in 1899 by Edgard Farasyn for the Antwerp City Hall.

The procession was grandiose and impressive; nothing like it had ever been seen before in these parts. Without the Guild brothers on the chariots, the coat-of-arms bearers, the squires, the footmen, the trumpeters, the drummers, and other musicians on foot, the number of mounted rhetoricians from all the towns amounted to 1,393, that of the chariots to 23, and that of the other chariots to 197. 46

The Ommegang of 1685 (supposedly a religious procession without poetry contest of drama) gives nevertheless an idea about how cultural mass events in Antwerp looked like.

After weeks of competition between the large and medium-sized towns during the Landjuweel, followed an additional week of « Hagespelen, » that is, the less lavish but less expensive competitions between the townships, villages, and municipalities. The formats were so varied that by the end of the month, not a single town, village, or municipality was without a prize.

Theater play in a Flemish village.

And once back in their cities, all these cultural actors, actors, singers, poets, jokers, and comical fools, energized like never before by the encounter with an entire nation, reenacted at home the piece or play that had won them a prize. To the extent that each chamber that won a prize was obliged to organize a new competition, a true effect of cultural diffusion and contamination was infused into the country.

Seaships entering Brussels via the Brussels-Scheldt canal. Painting of Andreas Martin (1699-1763).

The joy and proudness was such that the Chamber of Vilvorde did a special performance for the opening of the newly built Brussels-Willebroek canal in octobre 1561. The project for a 28 km long canal, connecting Brussels to the Scheldt (and therefore to Antwerp and the Sea) had been discussed since 1415 but it was Mary of Hungary in 1550 who kickstarted its actual construction.

The splendid Landjuweel of Antwerp impressed the spectators, among them Richard Clough47, the representative of the English financier Thomas Gresham. The merchant did not hide his admiration and was full of praise for the festivities, drawing a comparison with the entry of Philip II and Charles V into Antwerp in 1549.

He could only note that the organization of the Landjuweel was larger and the spectacle more impressive:

Peace and art, united for celebration

On Tuesday, August 5, two days after the grand reception of the participating chambers, the visiting rhetoricians, along with the rest of the spectators, were solemnly welcomed on the Grand Place in Antwerp.

De Violieren then offer a welcoming zinnespel (morality): Den Wellecomme (The Welcome), written by Willem van Haecht. At the heart of the play is the proclaimed peace of 1559, which made possible the organization of the Landjuweel, a national gathering symbolizing the renewed awakening of the Art of Rhetoric, for which peace was a necessary condition. The duchy had suffered greatly in the 1550s, but had slowly recovered after the Peace of Cateau-Cambrésis (1559). There was hope for better times. Literary reactions to the peace were therefore particularly optimistic. The dawn of a new golden age was on everyone’s mind.

The play features three flower nymphs—sisters—who together represent De Violieren. After years of war, the Chamber was given the opportunity to organize the Landjuweel. For this, the nymphs owe a great debt of gratitude to the people of Brabant. Despite the difficult times and growing divisions between the different social groups, the people remained united.

It is « Concordia, » the feeling of unity and solidarity, that now unites the defenders of the public good. Out of love for the art of rhetoric, everyone has come from far and wide to Antwerp to celebrate the Landjuweel together. According to the nymphs, it is high time that the character of Rethorica resumes her rightful place in society. Now that the war god Mars and the hated Discordia have been driven out, she alone can bring joy and peace to the country. Only the seed of rhetoric (« Rethorices saet ») can bear fruit of joy.

So the flowers set out in search of Rethorica. In other words: De Violieren primarily describes the Landjuweel as a festival of joy, organized by the Chambers of Rhetoric to strengthen the sense of community and bonds of friendship between the region’s cities.

Illustration of the Van Haechts drama The Welcome. Three nymps come to wake Rtetorica, sleeping, but protected by Antwerpia.

Eventually, the nymphs find Rhetorica, asleep in the arms of a young girl (Antwerp), who has always protected her. While the goddesses of vengeance (« Erinniae ») ravaged the country for twenty years, rhetoric was always protected and cherished in Antwerp. Now it is time to awaken her from her long winter sleep.

Once awakened, Rhetorica and the Landjuweel will mark the beginning of a period of prosperity and an awakening of the arts, for Antwerp and for the world, an allegorical theme developed by Frans Floris, the rhetorician and friend of Van Haecht, in his work The Awakening of the Arts (circa 1560).

Frans Floris, The Awakening of the Arts (circa 1560).

This allegorical work commemorates the signing of the Treaty of Cateau-Cambrésis, the most important peace agreement of the war-torn 16th century.

In a landscape ravaged by war, Philip II of Spain (it was hoped) assumes the role of Apollo, represented by the bearded figure in the center. The sun god awakens the liberal arts, represented by women endowed with attributes (sculptors’ cradles, poets’ feather, musicians’ scores, cartographers’ globes, etc.). With his left hand, Philip II shows four women warding off an abject Mars, the god of war, stripped of his sword and battle trophies. The scene symbolizes a new era of cultural prosperity made possible by peace.

The play Den Wellecomme not only exudes an atmosphere of joy and euphoria, but also launches a few barbs at the oppressors. The Chambers retained a bitter aftertaste. In the preceding years, several rhetoricians had been struck by fate. The previous factor, the highly praised Jan van den Berghe (died in 1559) , had died of old age. In addition, two prominent members had fallen victim to religious persecution. The printers Frans Fraet (1505-1558) and Willem Touwaert Cassererie (c. 1478-1558) were condemned and executed in 1558, despite the vigorous protests of their guild, for printing and being found in possession of forbidden books (Dutch Bibles).

Engraving after Jan van der Straet (Johannes Stradanus).

Antwerp was the Northern European centre of heterodox publishing in the first half of the sixteenth century. From Antwerp the books were shipped all over Europe. Alastair Duke, who studied the methods of the Inquisition in this period, has suggested that of four thousand books published in Europe between 1500 and 1540, half were printed in Antwerp 49 almost half of those publications contained Protestant influences. 50

These persecutions increased the central government’s distrust of the rhetoricians. These were not easy times for them. The art of rhetoric « doesn’t have many friends, » as Van Haecht puts it. 51 Although the Landjuweel was designed to celebrate peace and not to express discontent, the horror of the past war years and the resulting divisions were clearly palpable.

The contest was to be held under the banner of friendship and solidarity – not without reason the motto of De Violieren. Referring to the miracle of Pentecost, the invitation card compares the Brabant rhetoricians to the apostles, who received the Holy Spirit by gathering together in unity, without disagreement or conflict. This motif was common among rhetoricians.

Already in the poems of Anthonis de Roovere (c. 1430-1482), the Ghent plays of 1539, and in Matthijs de Castelein ‘s Const van Rhetoriken (c. 1485-1550), the rhetorician’s inspiration were compared to the religious enthusiasm of the apostles at Pentecost. Rhetoricians saw their poetry as a gift from the Holy Spirit.

This is strongly reminiscent of the discourse Erasmus presents in his Querella pacis (The Complaint for Peace, 1517). In this famous pamphlet for peace, the miracle of Pentecost is also used to emphasize the importance of unity and love in society. Only the Christian religion, according to Erasmus, had the strength to defend itself against tyranny and war. The well-being of the whole society has always taken priority over any form of personal interest.

An « invitation card » was personnaly transmitted by messagers to all the chambers in Brabant, accompanied by a woodcut (probably also designed by Willem van Haecht). The print emphasizes the importance of rhetoric in achieving peace.

Printed invitation to other chambers of rhetoric by the Antwerp Violieren for the 1561 Landjuweel.

Rhetoric sits enthroned in the center, her attributes being a scroll and a lily, symbols respectively of the qualities of promoting knowledge and harmonizing the art of rhetoric. On either side of Rhetoric are Prudentia (left) and Inventio (right). Prudentia —Providence—is depicted holding a mirror (insight) and a serpent (prudence) in her hands. Inventio —Invention—has the attributes of a compass and a book. These two personifications refer to the qualities of careful design and erudition. Both personifications are intended to support Rhetoric. They stand on a raised step, on which grows the violet flower. Beneath the flower, the ox of the Guild of Saint Luke supports the coat of arms of the Antwerp painters’ guild. The personifications Pax, Charitas, and Ratio come to the left of the throne to pay homage to Rhetoric.

Divine light (Lux) illuminates them. On the right, Ira, Invidia, and Discordia are pursued into a burning depth (tenebrae). The darkness of the past thus gives way to an illuminated future in which rhetoric reigns. In contrast to the text on the invitation card, here the art of rhetoric ensures peace. There was thus a constant interaction between rhetoric and peace.

In De Violieren’s « invitation » and welcome piece, peace created the conditions in which rhetoric could flourish. In the woodcut, it is precisely the art of rhetoric that drives anger, envy, and discord into the darkness, making use of its qualities of insight and invention. Its divine light creates the conditions in which peace, love, and reason can flourish.

The three positive allegories on the left of the Rhetoric are deliberately contrasted with the three figures on its right. Ratio is placed against Ira, Charitas against Invidia, and Pax against Discordia. In his design, Van Haecht chose discord (Discordia) rather than war (Bellum) as the opposite of peace (Pax).

The concept of peace was deeply rooted in the urban community’s value system. In this discourse, peace, along with justice, order, and community spirit, constituted one of the pillars of internal social cohesion. Peace protected the city from the outside world and maintained balance between the different urban segments, particularly through the exercise of cohesion and solidarity. Moreover, peace, both spiritual and material, brought well-being and prosperity. But this could only be achieved if all urban groups worked together in unison.

Discord, whether between guilds, between sections of the urban patriciate, between rich and poor, or between religious factions, posed the greatest threat to internal peace and was to be avoided above all else. 52

The urban discourse on peace followed the idea that God had created the world as a harmonious, orderly, and perfect whole. Discordia personified the breakdown of this creation, of the relationship between God and man, and that between man and nature.

Discord also disrupted the balance between city dwellers, between city and countryside, and between the prince and his subjects. Furthermore, it caused unrest in the human spirit. This concept implied an individual loss of self-control and reason.

Vandommele writes that according to them,

Along with music, poetry was, in their eyes, of celestial origin. Both used the theory of harmony to reflect the order of the cosmos and were also used to communicate with God. Moreover, the word « discord » in the literature of the rhetoricians also refers to a lack of harmony in verse and rhyme, an unforgivable offense in poetry.

For all these reasons, discord was considered the main cause of unhappiness. It had to be banished to the depths of hell at all costs. Rhetoricians, thanks to their mastery of poetry and rhetoric, were the ones who could achieve this. They assumed the role of guardians of the peace, responsible for urban sociability.

The Antwerp Landjuweel of 1561, a gigantic cultural mass event recalling the noblest human qualities that unite the good and the beautiful, was a true « cry of the people, » somewhat similar to what France would later experience with the Fête de la Fédération54 before the French Revolution.

At the Landjuweel, enlightened artisans and artists called on the governments of the world to renounce usury, plunder, and war and to organize a lasting peace based on the harmony of mutually beneficial interests.

Antwerp trade and later stock market. 1872 reconstruction of the 1531 original.

Censorship, repression and revolt

From 1521, decrees repressed the reading and possession of forbidden books, both Lutheran writings and Bibles. In 1525, the Antwerp judiciary warned printers and booksellers. From 1528, Rhetoricians were required to have their works validated before any production or publication. In 1533, the reform gained ground. Not a day went by without a satirical joust against the clergy. Five rhetoricians from Amsterdam were sentenced to make a pilgrimage to Rome at their own expense. In 1536, a printer who had violated the regulations was beheaded at Antwerp’s Grote Markt. Without a prior permit, the Chambers of Rhetoric could no longer present plays in public. This didn’t prevent the Landjuweel in Ghent in 1939, where freedom prevailed. On October 6 of the same year, the Chancellor of Brabant wrote to the Regent that the sale of the printed collection of plays could have very serious consequences. Consequently, the collection was placed on the index of prohibited books.

A decree also stipulated that it was henceforth forbidden to make references to the Holy Scriptures and the sacraments. The ban on the sale of the collections provoked a counter-reaction and attracted many readers. These works were reprinted three times, the last edition being in 1564, two years before the outbreak of the Beeldenstorm (Iconoclastic Fury).

In 1566, the paintings and sculptures in churches and monasteries, relics, and everything associated with the cult of images, were broken and destroyed by the Calvinists, the most radical branch of the Protestants. Immediately suspected of being responsible for this destruction: the erasmian spirited Chambers of Rhetoric!

With the arrival of the Duke of Alva in the Burgundian Low Countries in 1567, the relatively tolerant religious climate was replaced by persecution of those who no longer adhered to the Catholic faith.

Anthonis van Stralen, the masthead of De Violieren, and as we have seen, one of the main organizers of the Antwerp Landjuweel, and a personal friend of William the Silent, went into exile in Germany. But on September 9, on the orders of the Duke of Alva, he got intercepted by Count Lodron between Antwerp and Lier. On September 25 he was transferred to the Brussels Treurenberg prison. In February 1568, he was transferred to Vilvoorde Castle to appear before the new Council of Troubles.

After having been subjected for several days to torture, Van Stralen is carried to the executioner. Painting of Emile Godding (1841-1898), Antwerp City Hall.

After being tortured, his property was confiscated, and he was sentenced to death by the sword. The sentence was carried out at Vilvoorde Castle on September 24, 1568. 55

This decision sparked great indignation in Antwerp. Many important merchants and citizens left the city permanently.

The plays of the Antwerp Landjuweel of 1561, including those by Willem Van Haecht, which exuded the spirit of Erasmus, were banned. Their performance on 21 June 1565, which was well received by the public, is said to have made the clergy grind their teeth, according to Godevaert van Haecht, a close relative of the author.

Van Haecht fled to Aachen, and then to the northern Burgundian Low Countries. His poem Hoe salich zijn die landen, written for De Violieren, was set to music by Jacob Florius and was included in the Geuzenliedboek, a collection of songs by those who revolted against Spanish rule in the Burgundian Low Countries.

Then broke out the Spanish Fury, a number of violent sackings of cities (Mechelen, Antwerp, Naarden, etc.) of the Burgundian Low Countries. The main cause was Philip II’s delay in paying soldiers and mercenaries. Spain had just declared bankruptcy. The bankers refused to carry out the transactions demanded of them by the King of Spain until they had found a compromise. For example, the transfer of troops’ wages from Spain could not be carried out by bill of exchange (the 16th century equivalent of a postal order). The Spanish government therefore had to transfer the real money by sea – a much more costly, slow and perilous operation. Unfortunately for Philip, 400,000 florins intended to pay the troops were seized by the English government of Elizabeth I when ships containing the florins were sheltered from a storm in English ports. 56

The most notorious Spanish Fury was the three-day long sack and burning of Antwerp in November 1576. At least 7,000 lives and a great deal of property were lost. The deaths were assessed at 17,000 by an English writer who was a witness.

Sack of Antwerp during the Spanish Fury of 1576.

Soon after, under the leadership of the great Erasmian William the Silent, supported by the Chambers of Rhetoric, the entire nation rose up against oppression and in favor of a Republic.

The Plakkaat van Verlatinghe (translated as the Act of Abjuration), signed on July 26, 1581, is considered the « declaration of independence » of many of the provinces of the Low Countries who considered that the King had betrayed his obligations towards his own people.

It was written by the Antwerp lawmaker and Registrar Jan van Asseliers (1530-1587), a close friend of Melchior Schetz and other key organizers of the Antwerp 1561 Landjuweel. 57 It was printed in Leyden by Charles Silvius, the son of Willem Silvius (1521-1580) 58 , the Antwerp humanist that printed and published the full proceedings of the same Landjuweel. 59

It was only after 80 years of war (1568-1648), at the Treaty of Westphalia, that the Republic of the Netherlands was recognized, leaving the south under Habsburg control.

Educated citizens went into exile. Between 150,000 and 200,000 refugees settled in the United Provinces and Germany. Cities such as Frankfurt, Hamburg, London and Amsterdam owed their prosperity to the arrival of refugees from the Southern Low Countries. After 1581, the Spanish authorities made no attempt to prevent these departures, which were in line with their desire to empty the country of its Protestant inhabitants. 60

Selected biography

(chronological order)

NOTES:

  1. Karel Vereycken, How Erasmus folly saved our civilization, Schiller Institute; ↩︎
  2. Alain Derville, L’alphabétisation du peuple à la fin du Moyen Age, La Revue du Nord, 1984. ↩︎
  3. Alain Derville, Op. cit. ↩︎
  4. Hanna Stouten, Jaap Goedgebuure, Jeanne Verbij-Schillings, History of Dutch Literature (Netherlands and Flanders), Fayard, Paris, 1999. ↩︎
  5. İ. Semih Akçomak, Dinand Webbink, Bas ter Weel, Why Did the Netherlands Develop so Early? The Legacy of the Brethren of the Common Life, IZA DP No. 7167, Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der Arbeit Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA), 2013; ↩︎
  6. Open Universiteit Nederland, Orientatiecursus cultuurwetenschappen, Van Bourgondische Nederlanden tot Republiek, Deel 2, 2009. ↩︎
  7. Mychael Pye, The Babylon of Europe, Editions Nevetica, Brussels, 2024. ↩︎
  8. Mychael Pye, Op. cit. ↩︎
  9. Cipolla, C., Literacy and Development in the West, Penguin Books: London, 1969, p. 47 ↩︎
  10. Parker, G., The Dutch Revolt, Cornell University Press: Ithaca, NY., notes of Philip’s visit to the Low Countries in 1549, 1977, p. 21. ↩︎
  11. Jeroen Vandommele, Als in een spiegel, Vrede, kennis en gemeenschap op het Antwerpse Landjuweel van 1561, Uitgeverij Verloren, Hilversum, 2011. ↩︎
  12. Sleiderink Remco, De schandaleuze spelen van 1559 en de leden van De Corenbloem. Het socioprofessionele, literaire en religieuze profiel van de Brusselse rederijkerskamer, Belgian Review of Philology and History, volume 92, fascic. 3, 2014. Modern languages and literatures, pp. 847-875; ↩︎
  13. Jeroen Vandommele, Op. cit. ↩︎
  14. Jeroen Vandommele, Op. cit. ↩︎
  15. Jeroen Vandommele, Op. cit. ↩︎
  16. Herman Pleij, Het gevleugelde woord. Geschiedenis van de Nederlandse literatuur 1400-1560, Bert Bakker, Amsterdam, 2007. ↩︎
  17. Karel Vereycken, How Jacques Cœur put an end to the Hundred Years’ War, Artkarel.com, 2018; ↩︎
  18. Karel Vereycken, Jacob Fugger « The Rich », father of financial fascism, Artkarel.com, 2024; ↩︎
  19. Karel Vereycken, Fugger, Op. cit. ↩︎
  20. Karel Vereycken, Fugger, Op. cit. ↩︎
  21. Karel Vereycken, Erasmus Dream, the Leuven Three Language College, Artkarel, 2019; ↩︎
  22. Karel Vereycken, Quinten Matsys and Leonardo, the dawn of an age of laughter and creativity, Artkarel, 2024; ↩︎
  23. Andreas Nijenhuis, Les Pays-Bas au prisme des Réformes (1500-1650), L’Europe en conflits, p. 101-136, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2019. ↩︎
  24. Pierre-Yves Charles, Chercheur invité à l’Université Libre d’Amsterdam, La Réformation des Réfugiés, site internet de l’Eglise protestante unie de Belgique; ↩︎
  25. Pierre-Yves Charles, Op. cit. ; ↩︎
  26. Dr. Gilbert Degroote, In Erasmus’ Lichtkring, Koninklijke Nederlandse Maatschappij, 1962. ↩︎
  27. Karel Vereycken, How Erasmus folly saved our civilization, Schiller Institute; ↩︎
  28. Karel Vereycken, Erasmus, Op. cit. ↩︎
  29. Karel Vereycken, Quinten Matsys and Leonardo, the Dawn of an Age of Laughter and Creativity, Artkarel, 2024. ↩︎
  30. Dr. Gilbert Degroote, Op. cit. ↩︎
  31. Dr. Gilbert Degroote, Op. cit. ↩︎
  32. Dr. Gilbert Degroote, Op. cit. ↩︎
  33. Karel Vereycken, Quinten Matsys and Leonardo, the dawn of an age of laughter and creativity, Artkarel, 2024; ↩︎
  34. N. Israel, De Liggeren en andere historische archieven der Antwerpsche Sint Lucasgilde, Amsterdam, 1961; ↩︎
  35. Tine Luk Meganck (Op. cit.) underscores that « Bruegel’s visual language is closely related to the poetic imaginary of the rhetoricians. Like the rhymesters, Bruegel often presented a serious message with a dash of mockery, as an inversion of the established order, as the world upside down. » ↩︎
  36. Godin André. Érasme et son banquier. In: Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine, tome 34 N°4, pp. 529-552, Octobre-décembre 1987. ↩︎
  37. Hugo Soly, Capital at Work in Antwerp’s Golden Age, Studies in European Urban History (SEUH)(1100-1800), Volume 55, Ghent University, Brepols, 2021. ↩︎
  38. Lode Goukens, Peeter Baltens, een “grafisch diplomaat” tijdens de troebelen (Antwerpen 1572-1584), VUB, 2018; ↩︎
  39. Lode Goukens, Op. cit. ↩︎
  40. Herman Pleij, Het gevleugelde woord. Geschiedenis van de Nederlandse literatuur 1400-1560, Uitgeverij Bert Bakker, Amsterdam, 2007; ↩︎
  41. Dr. C. Kruyskamp, Het Antwerpse Landjuweel van 1561, De Nederlandse Boekhandel, Antwerpen, 1962. ↩︎
  42. Max Rooses, De feesten van het Landjuweel in 1892, De Vlaamse School, Nieuwe Reeks, jaargang 5, 1892; ↩︎
  43. Henri Claes, Het Landjuweel van Antwerpen in 1561, De Vlaamsche Kunstbode, 1890; ↩︎
  44. Arjan van Dixhoorn (Op. cit.), building on Vandommele, argues that the word « Art » (consten) refers here to the 7 liberal arts and mechanical arts and not the « higher » arts. That is unconvincing since the leitmotiv of the entire Landjuweel, as Vandommele himself keenly demonstrates, was that it was the harmony of poetry and music, a gift from heaven, that was the only viable basis for durable peace and concord. The Awakening of the Arts is in fact the theme of a painting by Frans Floris in 1560, an influential painter and an intellectual belonging to the Landjuweel organizers. Among Floris’s dormant arts are music, sculpture, cartography and other « higher » arts. ↩︎
  45. Abraham Grapheus, Anthonis van Stralen, Edward van Even, Het Landjuweel van Antwerpen in 1561, Eene verhandeling Over Dezen Beroemden Wedstrijd Tusschen De Rederijkerskamers van Braband, Bewerkt naar Eventijdige Oorkonden En Versierd met 35 platen, naar tekeningen van Frans Floris en andere meesters, CJ Fontayn, Leuven, 1861; ↩︎
  46. Abraham Grapheus, Anthonis van Stralen, Edward van Even, Op. cit.; ↩︎
  47. Richard Clough, Brief over het Landjuweel van 1561, DBNL; ↩︎
  48. Richard Clough, Op. cit.; ↩︎
  49. Alastair C. Duke, Dissident Identities in the Early Modern Low Countries, ed. Judith Pollmann and Andrew Spicer, Aldershot, Ashgate, 2009; ↩︎
  50. Victoria Christman, The Coverture of Widowhood: Heterodox Female Publishers in Antwerp, 1530-1580. The Sixteenth Century Journal, 2011; ↩︎
  51. Jeroen Vandommele, Op. cit. ↩︎
  52. Jeroen Vandommele, Op. cit. ↩︎
  53. Jeroen Vandommele, Op. cit. ↩︎
  54. The Festival of the Federation (Fête de la Fédération) was a celebration that occurred on the Champ de Mars on 14 July 1790, the first anniversary of the Storming of the Bastille. With over 300,000 people in attendance, the event honored the achievements of the French Revolution (1789-99) and the unity of the French people. The festival itself was a monumental accomplishment, as tens of thousands of French citizens volunteered to labor in the mud and rain to build an amphitheater on the Champ de Mars with a colossal Altar of the Fatherland at its center. The event marked the birth of French patriotism, at least in the sense that such a term is understood today, and was the first celebration of 14 July, France’s national holiday, which is still annually celebrated. At the same time, the festival was the high watermark of unity during the French Revolution itself, since afterward the revolutionaries devolved into factionalism and politics based on terror. ↩︎
  55. Johannes Pieter van Cappelle, Anthonis van Stralen. National Library of the Netherlands (original from the University of Amsterdam), 1827; ↩︎
  56. Le sac d’Anvers, connu comme la Furie Espagnole, Gifex.com ; ↩︎
  57. P. Génard, Jean van Asseliers, Biographie nationale de Belgique, Wikisource. ↩︎
  58. Portail Biblissima, Willem Silvius (1521-1580). ↩︎
  59. Willem Silvius, Spelen van sinne vol scoone moralisacien uutleggingen ende bediedenissen op alle loeflijcke consten … Ghespeelt … binnen der stadt van Andtwerpen op dLant-juweel … den derden dach augusti … M.D.LXI., Erfgoedbibliotheek Hendrik Conscience, Antwerpen, 1562; ↩︎
  60. Pierre-Yves Charles, Op. cit. ↩︎
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Jacob Fugger « The Rich », father of financial fascism

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Bribery and elections

In the « good old days » of the Roman Empire, things were so much simpler! Already in Athens but on a much larger scale in Rome, electoral bribery was big business. In the late Republic, lobbies coordinated schemes of bribery and extortion. Large-scale borrowing to raise money for bribes is even said to have created so much financial instability that it contributed to the 49–45 BC civil war. Roman generals, once they had systematically massacred and looted some distant colony and sold for hard cash their colonial loot, could simply buy the required number of votes, always decisive to elect an emperor or endorse a tyrant after a coup d’Etat. Legitimacy was always post-factum those days.

In Rome, the “elections” became an obscene farce to the point that they were eliminated. “A blessing from heaven”, said the statesman Quintus Aurelius Symmachus, rejoicing that “the hideous voting tablet, the crooked distribution of the seating places in the theater among the clients, the venal run, all of these are no more!”

The Holy Roman German Empire

Reviving such a degenerate and corrupt imperial system wasn’t a bright idea. On 25 December 800, Pope Leo III crowned Charlemagne as Roman emperor, reviving the title in Western Europe more than three centuries after the collapse of the ancient Western Roman Empire in 476 DC.

In 962 DC, when Otto I was crowned emperor by Pope John XII, he fashioned himself as Charlemagne’s successor, and inaugurated a continuous existence of the empire for over eight centuries. In theory the emperors were considered the primus inter pares (“first among equals”) of all Europe’s Catholic monarchs. In practice, the imperial office was traditionally elective by the mostly German prince-electors.

Just as the vote of the Roman Senate was necessary to “elect” a Roman Emperor, in the Middle Ages, a tiny group of prince-electors had the privilege of “electing” the “King of the Romans.” Once elected in that capacity, this elected king would then be crowned Emperor by the pope.

The status of prince-elector had great prestige. It was considered to be behind only the emperor, kings, and the highest dukes. The prince-electors held exclusive privileges that were not shared with other princes of the Empire, and they continued to hold their original titles alongside that of prince-electors.

In 1356, the Golden Bull, a decree carrying a golden seal, issued by the Imperial Diet at Nuremberg and Metz headed by the Emperor of that time, Charles IV, fixed the protocols and rules of the imperial power system. While limiting their power, the Golden Bull granted the great-electors the Privilegium de non appellando (“privilege of not appealing”), preventing their subjects from lodging an appeal to a higher Imperial court, and turning their territorial courts into courts of last resort.

However, imposing such a superstructure everywhere was no mean feat. With Jacques Cœur, Yolande d’Aragon and Louis XI, France increasingly asserted itself as a sovereign, anti-imperial nation-state.

Therefore, the Holy Roman Empire, by a decree adopted at the Diet of Cologne in 1512, became the “Holy Roman Empire of the Germanic Nation,” a name first used in a document in 1474. The adoption of this new name coincided with the loss of imperial territories in Italy and Burgundy to the south and west by the late XVth century, but also aimed to emphasize the new importance of the German Imperial Estates in ruling the Empire. Napoleon was supposedly the one who said the Holy Roman German Empire was triply misnamed and none of the three. It was “too debauched” to be holy, “too German” to be Roman and “too weak” to be an Empire.

In light of the object of this article, we will not expand here on this subject. Noteworthy nevertheless, the fact that German Nazi Party propaganda, as early as 1923, would identify the Holy Roman Empire of the Germanic Nation as the « First » Reich (Reich meaning empire), with the German Empire as the « Second » Reich and what would eventually become Nazi Germany as the « Third » Reich.

Hitler had a soft spot for Fugger’s hometown Augsburg and wanted to make it the “City of German Businessmen”. To honor the Fugger family, he wanted to convert their Palace into a huge trade museum. To break the Fuhrer’s moral, the building got severely bombed in February 1942.

The Prince Electors

By the XVIth Century, the Holy Roman Empire consisted of 1,800 semi-independent states spread across Central Europe and Northern Italy. In a nod to the ancient Germanic tradition of electing kings, the medieval emperors of this sprawling patchwork of disparate territories were elected

What we do know is that, from the Golden Bull of 1356 onward, the emperor was elected in Frankfurt by an “electoral college” of seven “Prince-electors” (Kurfürst in German):

  • the archbishop of Mainz, arch-chancellor of Germany;
  • the archbishop of Trier, arch-chancellor of Gallia (France);
  • the archbishop of Cologne, arch-chancellor of Italy;
  • the duke of Saxony;
  • the count palatine of the Rhine;
  • the margrave of Brandenburg;
  • and the king of Bohemia.

Of course, to obtain the vote of these great electors, candidates had to deliver oral and in advance written promises and engagements, and especially, on (and under) the table, offer privileges, power, money and more.

Hence, the most difficult endeavor for any aspiring candidate, was to raise the bribery money to buy the votes. As a result, the very existence and survival of the Holy Roman German Empire, depended nearly entirely on the existence, survival and especially goodwill of a financial oligarchy of wealthy merchant banking families willing to lend the money to the bribers. Just as a handful of giant banks are controlling western nations today by buying their emissions of state bonds required to bail-out and refinance permanent but growing debt bubbles, the banking monopolies of those days became very rapidly too-big-to-fail and too-big-to-jail.

The financial power and influence of the Bardi, Peruzzi and other Medici bankers, who, by ruining the European farmers plunged Europe in great famine creating the conditions for the XIVth Century’s “Black Death” wiping out between 30 and 50 percent of the European population, is no secret and has been aptly documented by a friend of mine, the American financial analyst, Paul Gallagher.

Fucker Advenit

Augsbourg.

Here, we’ll focus on the activities of two German banking families who dominated the world in the early XVIth century: the Fuggers and the Welsers of Augsburg.

Unlike the Welsers, and old patrician family about we will say more later, the Fugger’s’ success story begins in 1367, when “master weaver” Hans Fugger (1348-1409) moved from his village of Graben to the “free imperial city” of Augsburg, a four-hour walk away. The Augsburg tax register reads “Fucker Advenit” (Fugger has arrived). In 1385, Hans was elected to the leadership of the weavers’ guild, which gave him a seat on the city’s Grand Council.

Augsburg, like other free and imperial cities, was not subject to the authority of any prince, but only to that of the emperor himself. The city was represented at the Imperial Diet, controlled its own trade and allowed little outside interference.

German merchants.

In Renaissance Germany, few cities matched Augsburg’s energy and effervescence. Markets overflowed with everything from ostrich eggs to saints’ skulls. Ladies brought falcons to church. Hungarian cow-boys drove cattle through the streets. If the emperor came to town, knights jousted in the squares. If a murderer was arrested in the morning, he was hanged in the afternoon for all to see. Beer flowed as freely in the public baths as it did in the taverns. The city not only authorized prostitution, it also maintained brothels

Initially, the Fugger’s commercial profile was very traditional: fabrics made by local weavers were bought and sold at fairs in Frankfurt, Cologne and, over the Alps, Venice. For a weaver like Hans Fugger, this was the “ideal time” to come to Augsburg. An exciting innovation was taking hold throughout Europe: fustian, a new type of fabric perhaps named after the Egyptian town of Fustat, near Cairo, which manufactured this material before its production spread to Italy, southern Germany and France.

Medieval fustian was a sturdy canvas or twill fabric with a cotton weft and a linen, silk or hemp warp, one side of which was lightly woolen. Lighter than wool, it became very much in demand, particularly for a new invention: underwear. While linen and hemp could be grown almost anywhere, in the late Middle Ages, cotton came from the Mediterranean region, from Syria, Egypt, Anatolia and Cyprus, and entered Europe via Venice.

From Jacob the Elder to « Fugger Bros »


In Augsburg, Hans had two children: Jacob, known as “Jacob the Elder” (1398-1469) and Andreas Fugger (1394-1457). The two sons had different and opposing investment strategies. While Andreas went bankrupt, Jacob the Elder cautiously expanded his business.

After Jacob the Elder’s death in 1469, his eldest son Ulrich Fugger (1441-1510), with the help of his younger brother Georg Fugger (1453-1506), took over the management of the company.

Gradually, profits were invested in far more profitable activities: precious stones, goldsmithery, jewelry and religious relics such as martyrs’ bones and fragments of the cross; spices (sugar, salt, pepper, saffron, cinnamon, alum); medicinal plants and herbs and, above all, metals and mines (gold, silver, copper, tin, lead, mercury) which, as collateral enabled the expansion of credit and monetary issuance.

The Fugger forged close personal and professional ties with the aristocracy. They married into some of the most powerful families in Europe – in particular, the Thurzos of Austria. Their activities spread throughout central and northern Europe, Italy and Spain, with branches in Nuremberg, Leipzig, Hamburg, Lübeck, Frankfurt, Mainz and Cologne, Krakow, Danzig, Breslau and Budapest, Venice, Milan, Rome and Naples, Antwerp and Amsterdam, Madrid, Seville and Lisbon.

Jacob Fugger « The Rich »

Jacob Fugger « The Rich ».

In 1473, another brother, the youngest of the three, Jacob Fugger (later known as “the Rich”) (1459-1525), aged 14 and originally destined for an ecclesiastical career, was sent to Venice, then “the world’s most trading city”. There, he was trained in commerce and book accounting. Jacob returned to Augsburg in 1486 with such admiration for Venice that he liked to be called “Jacobo” and never let go of his Venetian gold beret. Later, with a certain sense of irony, he called the accounting techniques he learned in Venice “The art of enrichment”. The humanist Erasmus of Rotterdam seems to have wanted to respond to him in his colloquium “The friend of lies and the friend of truth”.

The importance of information

In Venice, Jacob assimilated Venetian (Roman Empire) methods to succeed:

  • organize a private intelligence service;
  • impose a monopoly on strategic goods and products;
  • alternate between intelligent corruption and blackmail;
  • push the world to the brink of bankruptcy to make bankers such as Fugger indispensable.

Jacob Fugger recognized the importance of information. To be successful, he has to know what’s going on in the seaports and trading centers. Eager to gain every possible business advantage, Fugger set up a private mail courier designed to transmit news — such as “deaths and results of battles” — exclusively to him, so that he would have it before anyone else, especially before the emperor.

Jacob the Elder and his wife. Rich in terms of money, poor of love and no children.
Wealth and Power paying tribute to Jacob Fugger.

Jacob Fugger financed any project, person or operation that meets his long-term objectives. But always under strict conditions set by him, and always to impose himself on others. The prevailing principle was do ut des, in other words, “I give, I can receive”. In exchange for every loan, collateral such as metal production, mining concessions, state financial inflows, commercial and social privileges, tax and customs exemptions, and high positions in key institutions, were demanded. And with the increase in the sums advanced, the increase in the quid pro quos demanded by Fugger.

If “modern” capitalism is the dictatorship of private monopolies at the expense of free competition, it’s safe to say that he truly is its founder.

The most important thing he learned in Venice? To always be prepared to sacrifice short-term financial gains, and even to offer financial profits to his victims, in order to demonstrate his solvency and ensure his long-term political control. In the absence of national or public banks, popes, princes, dukes and emperors depended heavily, if not entirely, on an oligopoly of private bankers. When an Austrian emperor, whose banker he was, wanted to impose a universal tax, Fugger sank the project because it reduced his dependence on bankers!

A Venetian ambassador, discovering that Jacob had learned his trade in Venice, confessed:

Europe seen through the eyes of Fugger with the axis Venice (north), Augsburg, Nuremberg, Antwerpen (south).

Antwerp and Venice

The three Fugger brothers were aware of the key role played by Venice and Antwerp in the copper trade, with Augsburg, along with Nuremberg, right in the middle of the trade corridor connecting them.

Antwerp
1503 marked the beginning of the Portuguese activities of the House of Fugger in Antwerp, and in 1508 the Portuguese made Antwerp the base of their colonial trade.

Antwerp stock exchange.

In 1515, Antwerp established Europe’s first stock exchange, a model for London (1571) and Amsterdam (1611). Copper, pepper and debts were traded. The purchase of a cargo of pepper was settled ¾ in gold, ¼ in copper. First Venice, then Portugal and Spain, depended on Fugger for silver and copper.

Venice
The firm exported copper and silver from Tyrol to Venice, and imported luxury goods, fine textiles, cotton and, above all, Indian and Oriental spices from Venice. After much effort, on November 30, 1489, the Venetian Council of State confirmed the Fugger’s permanent possession of their room in the “Fondaco dei Tedeschi”, the German merchants’ warehouse on the Grand Canal, on whose upkeep and decoration they spent considerable sums.

“Fondaco dei Tedeschi”, the German merchants’ warehouse on the Grand Canal.

At the beginning of the XVIth century, Nuremberg merchants shared with Augsburg merchants the monopoly of what was the most important German trading post. During the meals taken in common, required by the rules, they officially presided over the table with their colleagues from Cologne, Basel, Strasbourg, Frankfurt and Lübeck.

Well-known merchant families traded in the Fondaco dei Tedeschi, including the Imhoff, Koler, Kref, Mendel and Paumgartner families from Nuremberg, and the Fugger and Höchstetter families from Augsburg. Merchants mainly imported spices from Venice: saffron, pepper, ginger, nutmeg, cloves, cinnamon and sugar.

“Fondaco dei Tedeschi”, interior court.

The Nuremberg stock exchange served as a commercial link between Italy and other European economic centers. Foods known and appreciated in the Mediterranean region, such as olive oil, almonds, figs, lemons and oranges, jams and wines like Malvasia and Chierchel found their way from the Adriatic Sea to Nuremberg.

Other valuable products included corals, pearls, precious stones, Murano glassware and textiles such as silk fabrics, cotton and damask sheets, velvet, brocade, gold thread, camelot and bocassin. Paper and books completed the list.

In the years that followed, “Ulrich Fugger & Brothers” dealt in Venetian bills of exchange with the Frankfurt company Blum, and sources frequently mention the company’s branch on the Rialto as an outlet for copper and silver, a center for the purchase of luxury goods and a clearing station for transfers to the Roman curia.

The World changes

Fugger’s involvement in the international metal trade: silver (dark gray); copper (red); lead (blue) and mercury (olive green).

In 1498, six years after Christopher Columbus’s voyage to America, Vasco da Gama (1460-1524) was the first European to find the route to India, bypassing Africa. This enabled him to set up Calicut, the first Portuguese trading post in India. The opening of this sea route to the East Indies by the Portuguese deprived the Mediterranean trade routes, and thus South Germany, of much of their importance. Geographically, Spain, Portugal and the Netherlands gained the upper hand.

Jacob Fugger, always in the know before anyone else, decided to adapt to the new realities and relocated his colonial business from Venice to Lisbon and Antwerp. He took advantage of the opportunity to open up new markets such as England, without abandoning markets such as Italy. He took part in the spice trade and opened a factory in Lisbon in 1503. He was authorized to ship pepper, other spices and luxury goods such as pearls and precious stones via Lisbon.

Along with other German and Italian trading houses, Fugger contributed to a fleet of 22 Portuguese ships led by the Portuguese Francisco de Almeida (1450-1510), which sailed to India in 1505 and returned in 1506. Although a third of the imported goods had to be sold to the King of Portugal, the operation remained profitable. Impressed by the financial returns, the King of Portugal made the spice trade a royal monopoly, excluding all foreign participation, in order to reap the full benefits. However, the Portuguese still depended heavily on the copper supplied by Fugger, a key product for trade with India.

Fugger, tricks and tactics

Let’s summarize the “genius” and some of the tricks that enabled Jacob Fugger to become “the rich” at the expense of the rest of humanity.

1. Bail me out, baby

In 1494, the Fugger brothers founded a trading company with a capital of 54,385 florins, a sum that doubled two years later when, in 1496, Jacob persuaded Cardinal Melchior von Meckau (1440-1509), Prince-Bishop of Brixen (today’s Bressanone in the Italian Tyrol), to join the company as a “silent partner” in the expansion of mining activities in Upper Hungary. In total secrecy, and without the knowledge of his ecclesiastical chapter, the prince-Bishop invested 150,000 florins in the Fugger company in exchange for a 5% annual dividend. While such “discreet transactions” were quite common among the Medici, profiting from interest rates remained a sin for the church. When the prince-bishop died in Rome in 1509, this investment scheme was discovered. The pope, the bishopric of Brixen and the Meckau family, all claiming the inheritance, demanded immediate repayment of the sum, which would have led to Jacob Fugger’s insolvency. It was this situation that prompted Emperor Maximilian I to intervene and help his banker. Fugger came up with the formula.

Provided he helped Pope Julius II in a small war against the Republic of Venice, only the Hapsburg monarch was recognized as Cardinal Melchior von Meckau’s legitimate heir. The inheritance could now be settled by paying off outstanding debts. Fugger was also required to deliver jewels as compensation to the Pope. In exchange for his support, however, Maximilian I demanded continued financial backing for his ongoing military and political campaigns. A way of telling the Fugger: “I’m saving you today, but I’m counting on you to save me tomorrow…”.

2. Buy me a pope and the Vatican, baby

Raimondi, Marcantonio, Pope Julius II.

In 1503, Jacob Fugger contributed 4,000 ducats (5,600 florins) to the papal campaign of Julius II and greased the cardinals’ palms to get this “warrior pope” elected. To protect himself and the Vatican, Julius II requested 200 Swiss mercenaries. In September 1505, the first contingent of Swiss Guards set out for Rome. On foot and in the harshness of winter, they marched south, crossed the St. Gotthard Pass and received their pay from the banker… Jacob Fugger.

Julius showed his gratitude by awarding Fugger the contract to mint the papal currency. Between 1508 and 1524, the Fugger leased the Roman mint, the Zecca, manufacturing 66 types of coins for four different popes.

3. Business first, baby

In 1509, Venice was attacked by the armies of the League of Cambrai, an alliance of powerful European forces determined to break Venice’s monopoly over European trade. The conflict disrupted the Fuggers’ land and sea trade. The loans granted by the Fugger to Maximilian (a member of the League of Cambrai) were guaranteed by the copper from the Tyrol exported via Venice… The Fugger’s sided with Venice without falling out with a happy Maximilian.

4. Buy me a hitman, baby

Fugger had rivals who hated him. Among them, the Gossembrot brothers. Sigmund Gossembrot was the mayor of Augsburg. His brother and business partner, George, was Maximilian’s treasury secretary. They wanted mining revenues to be invested in the real economy, and advised the emperor to break with the Fugger. Both brothers died in 1502 after eating black pudding. The great Fugger historian Gotried von Pölnitz, who has spent more time in the archives than anyone else, wonders whether the Fugger ordered the assassination. Let’s just say that absence of proof is not proof of absence.

5. Your mine is mine, baby

Copper mining in the XVIth century.

The time between 1480 and 1560 was the “century of the metallurgical process.” Gold, silver and copper could now be separated economically. Demand for the necessary mercury for the separation process grew rapidly. Jacob, aware of the potential financial gains it offered, went from textile trade to spice trade and then into mining.

Sigismund Archduke of Austria.

Therefore, he headed to Innsbruck, currently Austria. But the mines were owned by Sigismund Archduke of Austria (1427-1496), a member of the Habsburg family and cousin of the emperor Frederick.

The good news for Jacob Fugger is that Sigismund was a big spender. Not for his subjects, but for his own amusement. One lavish party sees a dwarf emerge from a cake to wrestle a giant.

As a result, Sigismund was constantly in debt. When he ran out of money, Sigismund sold the production from his silver mine at knock-down prices to a group of bankers. To the Genoese banking family Antonio de Cavallis, for example. To get into the game, Fugger lends the Archduke 3,000 florins and receives 1,000 pounds of silver metal at 8 florins per pound, which he later sells for 12. A paltry sum compared with those lent by others, but a key move that opened his relations with Sigismund and above all with the nascent Habsburg dynasty.

In 1487, after a military skirmish with the more powerful Venice for control of the Tyrolean silver mines, Sigismund’s financial irresponsibility made him persona non grata with the big bankers. In despair, he turned to Fugger. Fugger mobilized the family fortune to raise the money the archduke demanded. An ideal situation for the banker. Of course, the loan was secured and subject to strict conditions. Sigismund was forbidden to repay it with silver metal from his mines, and had to cede control of his treasury to Fugger. If Sigmund repays him, Fugger walks away with a fortune. But, given Sigmund’s track record, the chance of him repaying is nil. Ignoring the terms of the loan, most of the other bankers are convinced that Fugger will go bankrupt. And indeed, Sigismund defaulted, just as Fugger… had predicted. However, as stipulated in the contract, Fugger seized “the mother of all silver mines”, the one in the Tyrol. By advancing a little cash, he gets his hands on a giant silver mine.

6. Buy my « Fugger Bonds », baby

Fuggerhaus, Augsbourg.

The way Fugger banking worked was that Fugger lent to the emperor (or another customer) and re-financed the loan on the market (at lower interest rates) by selling so-called “Fugger bonds” to other investors. The Fugger bonds were much sought after investments as the Fugger were regarded as “safe debtors”. Thus, the Fugger used their own superior credit standing in the market to secure financing for their customers whose credit rating was not as well regarded. The idea was – provided the emperor and the other customers honored their commitments – they would make a profit from the difference in interest between the loans the Fugger extended and the interest payable on the Fugger bonds.

7. Buy me an Emperor, baby

Hapsburg Emperor Maximilian I of Austria.

Sigismund was soon eclipsed by emperor Frederick IIIrd’s son, Maximilian of Austria (1459-1519), who had arranged to take power if Sigismund did not pay back money he owed him. (Fugger could have lent Sigismund the money to keep him in power but decided he’d prefer Maximilian in the position.)

Maximilian was elected “King of the Romans” in 1486 and ruled as the Holy Roman Emperor from 1508 till his death in 1519. Jacob Fugger supported Maximilian I of Habsburg in his accession to the throne by paying 800,000 florins. Laying the foundation for the family’s widely distributed landholdings, this time Fugger, as collateral, didn’t want silver, but land. So he acquired the countships of Kirchberg and Weissenhorn from Maximilian I in 1507 and in 1514, the emperor made him a count.

Unsurprisingly, Maximilian’s military conquests coincided with Jacob’s plans for mining expansion. Fugger purchased valuable land with the profits from the silver mines he had obtained from Sigismund, and then financed Maximilian’s army to retake Vienna in 1490. The emperor also seized Hungary, a region rich in copper.

Albrecht Dürer, The big canon.

A “copper belt” stretched along the Carpathian Mountains through Slovakia, Hungary and Romania. Fugger modernizes the country’s mines by introducing hydraulic power and tunnels. Jacob’s aim was to establish a monopoly on this strategic raw material, copper ore. Along with tin, copper is used in the manufacture of bronze, a strategic metal for weapons production. Fugger opened foundries in Hohenkirchen and Fuggerau (the family’s namesake in Carinthia, today in Austria), where he produced cannons directly.

8. Sell me indulgences, baby

Indulgence trading: on the left, a Fugger clerk, in the center the Dominican preacher Tetzel and on the right, on horseback, the archbishop of Mainz, Albrecht of Brandenburg.

In 1514, the position of Archbishop of Mainz became available. As we have seen, this was the most powerful position in Germany, with the exception of that of the emperor. Such positions require remuneration. Albrecht of Brandenburg (1490-1545), whose family, the Hohenzollerns, ruled a large part of the country, wanted the post. Albrecht was already a powerful man: he held several other ecclesiastical offices. But even he couldn’t afford to pay such high fees. So, he borrowed the necessary sum from the Fugger, in return for interest, which the convention of the time described as a fee for “trouble, danger and expense”.

Pope Leo X, having squandered the papal treasury on his coronation and organized parties where prostitutes looked after the cardinals, asked for 34,000 florins to grant Albrecht the title – roughly equivalent to $4.8 million today – and Fugger deposited the money directly into the pope’s personal account.

All that remained was to pay back the Fugger. Albrecht had a plan. He obtained from Pope Leo X the right to administer the recently announced “jubilee indulgences”. Indulgences were contracts sold by the Church to forgive sins, allowing believers to buy their way out of purgatory and into heaven.

But to fleece the sheep, as with any good scam, a “cover” or “narrative” was required. The motive, concocted by Julius II, was credible, claiming that St. Peter’s Basilica needed urgent and costly renovation.

Johann Tetzel.

In charge of the sale was a “peddler of indulgences”, the Dominican Johann Tetzel, who “carried Bibles, crosses and a large wooden box with […] an image of Satan on top”, and told the faithful that his indulgences “canceled all sins”. He even proposed a “progressive scale”, with the wealthy believers paying 25 florins and ordinary workers just one. Tetzel is quoted as saying: “When the money rattles in the box, the soul jumps out of purgatory”.

On the ground, in every church, Fugger clerks worked on site to collect the money, half of which went to the Pope and half to Fugger. At the same time, Fugger obtained a monopoly on the transfer of the funds obtained from the sale of indulgences between Germany and Rome.

If the archbishop was at the mercy of the Fugger, so too was Pope Leo X, who, to repay his debt, collected money through “simonies”, i.e. selling high ecclesiastical offices to princes. Between 1495 and 1520, 88 of the 110 bishoprics in Germany, Hungary, Poland and Scandinavia were appointed by Rome in exchange for money transfers centralized by Fugger. In this way, Fugger became “God’s banker, Rome’s chief financier”.

9. Buy me Martin Luther, baby

Since the IIIrd century, the Catholic Church asserted that God can be indulgent, granting total or partial remission of the penalty incurred following forgiveness of a sin. However, the indulgence obtained in return for an act of piety (pilgrimage, prayer, mortification, donation), notably in order to shorten a deceased person’s passage through purgatory, over time, turned into a lucrative business, used by Urban II to recruit enthusiastic faithful to the First Crusade.

In the XVIth century, it was this trade in indulgences that led to serious unrest and turmoil within the Church. Described as superstition by Erasmus in his “In Praise of Folly”, the denunciation of the indulgence trade was the very subject of Luther’s ninety-five arguments, the manifesto he nailed on the door of the Castle Church of Wittenberg and would lead the Church to division and to the Protestant Reformation. Refusing to travel to Rome to answer charges of heresy and of challenging the Pope’s authority, Luther agreed to present himself in Augsburg in 1518 to the papal legate, Cardinal Cajetan. The latter urged Luther to retract or reconsider his statements (“revoca!”).

Although Luther had denounced Fugger by name for his central role in the indulgence swindle, he agreed to be interrogated in the central office of the bank that organized the crime he denounced!

Luther seems to have been aware that, verbal accusations aside, the Fuggers would protect and promote him rather than face a much more reasonable call for reform from Erasmus and his followers. While he could have been arrested and burned at the stake as some demanded, Luther showed up, refused to backtrack on his statements and left unscathed.

10. Buy them poverty, baby

In the XVIth century, prices increased consistently throughout Western Europe, and by the end of the century prices reached levels three to four times higher than at the beginning. Recently historians have grown dissatisfied with monetary explanations of the sixteenth-century price rise. They have realized that prices in many countries began to rise before much New World gold and silver entered Spain, let alone left it, and that probable treasure-flows bear little relation to price movements, including in Spain itself.

In reality, in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century European populations began to expand again, recovering from that long era of contraction initiated by the Black Death of 1348. Growing populations produced rising demands for food, drink, cheap clothing, shelter, firewood, etc., all ultimately products of the land. Farmers found it difficult to increase their output of these things: food prices, land values, industrial costs, all rose. Such pressures are now seen as an important underlying cause of this inflation, though few would deny that it was stimulated at times by governments manipulating the currency, borrowing heavily, and fighting wars.

The “Age of the Fuggers” was an age where money was invested in more money and financial speculation. The real economy was looted by taxes and wars.

The dynamic created by the collapse of the living standards, taxes and price inflation for most of the people and the public exposure of corruption of both the Church and the aristocracy, set the scene for riots in many cities, the German “Peasant war,” an insurrection of weavers, craftsmen and even miners, ending with the “Revolt of the Netherlands” and centuries of bloody “religious” wars that only terminated with the “funeral” of the Empire by the Peace of Westphalia in 1648.

11. Buy them social housing, baby

Fuggerei.

Jacob Fugger’s initiative, in 1516, to start building the Fuggerei, a social housing project for a hundred working families in Augsburg, rather unique for the day, came as “too little and too late,” when the firm’s image became under increasing attacks. The Fuggerei survived as a monument to honor the Fugger. The rent remained unchanged, it still is one Rhenish gulden per year (equivalent to 0.88 euros), three daily prayers for the current owners of the Fuggerei, and the obligation to work a part-time job in the community. The conditions to live there, akin to the Harz4 measures, remain the same as they were 500 years ago: one must have lived at least two years in Augsburg, be of the Catholic faith and have become indigent without debt. The five gates are still locked every day at 10 PM.

12. Buy me rates worth an interest, baby

Pope Leon X.

“You shall not charge interest.” In 1215 Pope Innocent III explicitly confirmed the prohibition on interest and usury decreed in the Bible. The line from Luke 6:35, “Lend and expect nothing in return,” was taken by the Church to mean an outright ban on usury, defined as the demand for any interest at all. Even savings accounts were considered sinful. Not Jacob Fugger’s ideal scenario. To change this, Fugger hired a renowned theologian Johannes Eck (1494-1554) of Ingolstadt to argue his case. Fugger conducted a full-on public relations campaign, including setting up debates on the issue, and wrote an impassioned letter to Pope Leo.

As a result, Leo issued a decree proclaiming that charging interest was usury only if the loan was made “without labor, cost or risk” — which of course no loan ever really is. More than a millennium after Aristotle, Pope Leo X found that risk and labor involved with safeguarding capital made money lending “a living thing.” As long as a loan involved labor, cost, or risk, it was in the clear. This opened a flood of church-legal lending: Fugger’s lobbying paid off with a fortune. Fugger persuaded the Church to permit an interest of 5% – and he was reasonably successful: charging interest was not allowed, but it wasn’t punished either.

Thanks to Leon X, Fugger was now able to attract cash by offering depositors a 5% return. As for loans, according to the Tyrolean Council’s report, while other bankers were lending Maximilian at a rate of 10%, the rate charged by Fugger, justified by “the risk”, was over 50%! Charles V, in the 1520s, had to borrow at 18%, and even at 49% between 1553 and 1556. Meanwhile, Fugger’s equity, which in 1511 amounted to 196,791 florins, rose in 1527, two years after Jacob’s death, to 2,021,202 florins, for a total profit of 1,824,411 florins, or 927% increase, which represents, on average, an annual increase of 54.5%.

Quinten Matsys, The usurers, 1520, Galleria Doria Pamphilj, Rome.

All this is presented today, not as usury, but as a “great advance” anticipating modern wealth and asset management practices…

Fugger “broke the back of the Hanseatic Ligue” and “roused commerce from its medieval slumber by persuading the pope to lift the ban on moneylending. He helped save free enterprise from an early grave by financing the army that won the German Peasants War, the first great clash between capitalism and communism,” writes Greg Steinmetz, historian and former Wall Street Journal correspondent.

Jewish ghetto in Venice, 1906.

13. Buy me an Austro-Hungarian empire, baby

When Turkey invaded Hungary in 1514, Fugger was gravely concerned about the value of his Hungarian copper mines, his most profitable properties. After diplomatic efforts failed, Fugger gave Maximilian an ultimatum — either strike a deal with Hungary or forget about more loans. The threat worked. Maximilian negotiated a marriage alliance that left Hungary in Hapsburg hands, leading to “redrawing the map of Europe by creating the giant political tinderbox known as the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Fugger needed a Hapsburg seizure of Hungary to protect his holdings.

14. Buy me a second emperor, baby

Emperor Charles V.

When Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor, died in 1519, he owed Jacob Fugger around 350,000 guilders. To avoid a default on this investment, Fugger organized a banker’s rally to gather all the bribery money allowing Maximilian’s grandson, Charles V, buying the throne.

If another candidate had been elected emperor, like King Francis I of France who suddenly tried to enter the scene, and would certainly have been reluctant to pay Maximilian’s debts to Fugger, the latter would have sunk into bankruptcy.

This situation reminds the modus operandi of JP Morgan, after the 1897 US banking crash and the banking panic of 1907. The “Napoleon of Wall Street,” afraid of a revival of a real national bank in the tradition of Alexander Hamilton, first gathered all the funds required to bail out his failing competitors, and then set up the Federal Reserve system in 1913, a private syndicate of bankers in charge of preventing the government of interfering in their lucrative business

Hence, Jacob Fugger, in direct liaison with Margaret of Austria, who bought into the scheme because of her worries about peace in Europe, in a totally centralized way, gathered the money for each elector, using the occasion to bolster dramatically his monopolistic positions, especially over his competitors such as the Welsers and the rising port of Antwerp.

According to the French historian Jules Michelet (1798-1874), Jacob Fugger energetically imposed three preconditions:

  1. The Garibaldi of Genoa, the Welsers of Germany and other bankers, could only partake in this scheme by making down-payments to Fugger and could only lend money [to Charles] through his intermediary;
  2. Fugger obtained promissory notes from the cities of Antwerp and Mechelen as collateral, paid for out of Zeeland tolls;
  3. Fugger got the city of Augsburg to forbid lending to the French. He requested Marguerite of Austria (the regent) to forbid the people of Antwerp from exchanging money in Germany for anyone.” (handing over de facto that lucrative business to the Augsburg bankers only…)
Hans Holbein the Younger, The Rich Man, 1526. When he died, death stole his money! Fugger “the Rich” died in 1525.

Now, as said before, people mistakenly think that Jacob “the Rich”, was “very rich.” Of course he was: today, he is considered to be one of the wealthiest people ever to have lived, with a GDP-adjusted net worth of over $400 billion, and approximately 2% of the entire GDP of Europe at the time, more than twice the fortune of Bill Gates.

If this was true or not and how wealthy he really was we will never know. But if you look at the capital declared by the Fugger brothers to the Augsburg tax authorities, it dwarfs by far the giant amounts being lent.

According to Fugger historian Mark Häberlein, Jacob anticipated modern day tax avoidance tricks by striking a deal with the Augsburg tax authorities in 1516. In exchange for an annual lump sum, the family’s true wealth… would not be disclosed. One of the reasons of course is that, just as BlackRock today, Fugger was a “wealth manager”, promising a return on investment of 5 percent while pocketing 14.5 percent himself… Cardinals and other fortunes would secretly invest in Fugger for his juicy returns.

Hence, it is safe to say that Fugger was very rich… of debts. And just as the IMF and a handful of mammoth banks today, by bailing out their clients with fictitious money, the Fuggers were doing nothing else than bailing out themselves and increasing their capacity to keep doing so. No structural reform on the table, only a liquidity crisis? Sounds familiar!

Charles’ unanimous selection by the Electors required exorbitant bribes, to the tune of 851,585 guilders, to smooth the way. Jacob Fugger put in 543,385 guilders, around two thirds of the sum. For the first time, the only collateral was Charles himself, ruling over most of the world and America.

It would take an entire book or a documentary to detail the amazing scope of bribes deployed for Charles’ imperial election, a well-documented event.

Just some excerpts from a detailed account:

15. Buy me zero regulation, baby

In 1523, under pressure from public opinion growing angry against the merchant houses of Augsburg, foremost of them the Fugger, the fiscal arm of the imperial Council of Regency brought an indictment against them. Some even brought up the idea of restricting trading capital of individual firms to 50,000 florins and limiting the number or their branches to three.

Acutely aware that such regulations would ruin him, Jacob Fugger, in panic, on April 24, 1523, wrote a short message to the Emperor Charles V, remembering his Majesty of his dependence on the good health of the Fugger bank accounts:

Charles Vth realized that the debt was not the issue of the message and immediately wrote to his brother Ferdinand, asking him to take measures to prevent the anti-monopoly trial. The imperial fiscal authorities were ordered to drop the proceedings. For Fugger and the other great merchants, the storm had passed.

16. Buy me Spain, baby

Of course, Charles V didn’t had a dime to pay back the giant Fugger loan that got him elected! Little by little, Fugger obtained his rights to continue mining metals – silver and copper – in the Tyrol, validated. But he got more, first in Spain itself and, quite logically, in the territories newly conquered by Spain in America.

17. Buy me America, baby

Firstly, to raise funds, Charles leased the income of the main territories of the three great Spanish orders of chivalry, known as Maestrazgos, for which the Fugger paid 135,000 ducats a year but got much more than what he spent for the lease.

Between 1528 and 1537, the Maestrazgos were administered by the Welsers of Augsburg and a group of merchants led by the Spanish head of the postal service Maffeo de Taxis and the Genoese banker Giovanni Battista Grimaldi. But after 1537, the Fugger took over again. The lease contract was very attractive for two reasons: first it allowed the leaseholders to export grain surpluses from these estates and second, it included the mercury mines of Alamadén, a crucial element both for the production of mirror glass, the processing of gold and medical applications.

Now, as the Fugger depended on gold and silver shipments from America to recover their loans to the Spanish crown, it appeared logical for them to set their eyes on the New World, as well.

18. Buy me Venezuela, baby

Let us now enter the Welsers whose history can be traced back to the XIIIth century, when its members held official positions in the city of Augsburg. Later, the family became widely known as prominent merchants. During the XVth century, when the brothers Bartholomew and Lucas Welser carried on an extensive trade with the Levant and elsewhere, they had branches in the principal trading centers of southern Germany and Italy, and also in Antwerp, London, and Lisbon. In the XVth and XVIth centuries, branches of the family settled at Nuremberg and in Austria.

As a reward for their financial contributions to his election in 1519, second in importance to Fugger but quite massive, King Charles V, unable to reimburse, provided the Welsers with privileges within the African slave trade and conquests of the Americas.

The Welser Family was offered the opportunity to participate in the conquest of the Americas in the early to mid-1500s. As fixed in the Contract of Madrid (1528), also known as the “Welser Contracts”, the merchants were guaranteed the privilege to carry out so-called “entradas” (expeditions) to conquer and exploit large parts of the territories that now belong to Venezuela and Colombia. The Welsers nourished fantasies about fabulous riches fueled by the discovery of golden treasures and are said to have created the myth of “El Dorado” (the city of gold).

Account of a German colonial expedition.

The Welsers started their operations by opening an office on the Portuguese island of Madeira and acquiring a sugar plantation on the Canary Islands. Then they expanded to San Domingo, today’s Haiti. The Welser’s hold of the slave trade in the Caribbean began in 1523, five years before the Contract of Madrid, as they had begun their own sugar production on the Island.

Included in the Contract of Madrid, the right to exploit a huge part of the territory of today’s Venezuela (Klein Venedig, Little Venice), a country they themselves called “Welserland”. They also obtained the right to ship 4,000 African slaves to work in the sugar plantations. While Spain would grant capital, horses and arms to Spanish conquistadors, the Welser would only lend them the money that allowed them to buy, exclusively from them, the means of running their operations.

Welsers exploring Venezuela.

Poor German miners went to Venezuela and got rapidly into huge debt, a situation which exacerbated their rapacity and worsened the way they treated the slaves. From 1528 to 1556, seven expeditions led to the plunder and destruction of local civilizations. Things became so ugly that in 1546, Spain revoked the contract, also because they knew the Welsers also served Lutheran clients in Germany.

Bartholomeus Welser’s son, Bartholomeus VI Welser, together with Philipp von Hutten were arrested and beheaded in El Tocuyo by local Spanish Governor Juan de Carvajal in 1546. Some years later, the abdication of Charles V in 1556 meant the definitive end of the Welser’s attempt to re-assert their concession by legal means.

19. Buy me Peru and Chile, baby

Unlike the Welser family, Jacob Fugger’s participation in overseas trade was cautious and conservative, and the only other operation of this kind he invested in, was a failed 1525 trade expedition to the Maluku Islands led by the Spaniard Garcia de Loaisa (1490-1526).

For Spain, the idea was to gain access to Indonesia via America, escaping Portuguese control over the spice road. Jacob the Rich died in December of that year and his nephew Anton Fugger (1493-1560) took over the strategic management of the firm.

And the did go on. The Fugger’s relations with the Spanish Crown reached a climax in 1530 with the loan of 1.5 million ducats from the Fugger for the election of Ferdinand as “Roman King”. It was in this context that the Fugger agent Veit Hörl obtained as collateral from Spain the right to conquer and colonize the western coastal region of South America, from Chincha to the Straits of Magellan. This region included present-day southern Peru and all of Chile. Things however got foggy and for unknown reasons, Charles V, who in principle agreed with the deal failed to ratify the agreement. Considering that the Welser’s Venezuela project degenerated into a mere slave-raiding and booty enterprise and ended in substantial losses, Anton Fugger, who thought financial returns were too low, abandoned the undertaking.

20. By me a couple of slaves, baby

Manillas.

Copper from the Fugger mines was used for cannons on ships but also ended up in the production of horse-shoe shaped “manillas”. Manillas, derived from the Latin for hand or bracelet, were a means of exchange used by Britain, Portugal, Spain, the Netherlands, France and Denmark to trade with west Africa in gold and ivory, as well as enslaved people. The metals preferred were originally copper, then brass at about the end of the XVth century and finally bronze in about 1630.

In 1505, in Nigeria, a slave could be bought for 8–10 manillas, and an elephant’s ivory tooth for one copper manila. Impressive figures are available: between 1504 and 1507, Portuguese traders imported 287,813 manillas from Portugal into Guinea, Africa, via the trading station of São Jorge da Mina. The Portuguese trade increased over the following decades, with 150,000 manillas a year being exported to the like of their trading fort at Elmina, on the Gold Coast. An order for 1.4 million manillas was placed, in 1548, with a German merchant of the Fugger family, to support the trade.

In clear: without the copper of the Fugger’s, the slave-trade would not never have become what it became.

Benin bronze bas relief.

In 2023, a group of scientists discovered that some of the Benin bronzes, now reclaimed by African nations, were made with metal mined thousands of miles away… in the German Rhineland. The Edo people in the Kingdom of Benin, created their extraordinary sculptures with melted down brass manilla bracelets, Fugger’s grim currency of the transatlantic slave trade between the XVIth and XIXth centuries…

Endgame

Anton Fugger.

Anton Fugger tried to maintain the position of a house that, however, continued to weaken. Sovereigns were not as solvent as had been hoped. Charles V had serious financial worries and the looming bankruptcy was one of the causes he stepped down leaving the rule of the empire to his son, King Philip II of Spain. Despite all the gold and silver arriving, the Empire went bankrupt. On three occasions (1557, 1575, 1598), Philip II was unable to pay his debts, as were his successors, Philip III and Philip IV, in 1607, 1627 and 1647.

But the political grip of the Fugger over Spanish finances was so strong, writes Jeannette Graulau, that “when Philip II declared a suspension of payment in 1557, the bankruptcy did not include the accounts of the Fugger family. The Fugger offered Philip II a 50 % reduction in the interest of the loans if the firm was omitted from the bankruptcy. Despite intense lobbying by his powerful secretary, Francisco de Eraso, and Spanish bankers who were rivals of the Fugger, Philip did not include the Fugger in the bankruptcy.”

In 1563, the Fugger’s’ claims on the Spanish Crown amounted to 4.445 million florins, far more than their assets in Antwerp (783,000 florins), Augsburg (164,000 florins), Nuremberg and Vienna (28,600 florins), while their total assets amounted to 5.661 million florins.

But in the end, having tied their fate too closely to that of the Spanish sovereigns, the Fugger banking Empire collapsed with the collapse of the Spanish Hapsburg Empire. The Welser went belly up in 1614.

French professor Pierre Bezbakh, writing in Le Monde in Sept. 2021 noted:

Today, a handful of international banks called “Prime Brokers” are allowed to buy and resell on the secondary market French State Bonds, issued at regular dates by the French Treasury Agency to refinance French public debt (€3,150 billion) and most importantly to refinance debt repayments (€41 billion in 2023).

The names of today’s Fugger are: HSBC, BNP Paribas, Crédit Agricole, J.P. Morgan, Société Générale, Citigroup, Deutsche Bank, Barclays, Bank of America Securities and Natixis.

Conclusion

Beyond the story of the Fugger and Welser dynasties who, after colonizing Europeans, extended their colonial crimes to America, there’s something deeper to understand.

Today, it is said that the world financial system is “hopelessly” bankrupt. Technically, that is true, but politically it is successfully kept on the border of total collapse in order to keep the entire world dependent on a stateless financier predator class. A bankrupt system, paradoxically, despairs us, but gives them hope to remain in charge and maintain their privileges. Only bankers can save the world from bankruptcy!

Historically, we, as one humanity, have created “Nation States” duly equipped with government controlled “National Banks,” to protect us from such systemic financial blackmail. National Banks, if correctly operated, can generate productive credit generation for our long-term interest in developing our physical and human economy rather than the financial bubbles of the financial blackmailers. Unfortunately, such a positive system has rarely existed and when it existed it was shot down by the money-traders Roosevelt wanted to chase from the temple of the Republic.

As we have demonstrated, the severe mental dissociation called “monetarism” is the essence of (financial) fascism. Criminal financial and banking syndicates “print” and “create” money. If that money is not “domesticated” and used as an instrument for increasing the creative powers of mankind and nature, everything cannot, but go wrong.

Willing to “convert”, at all cost, including by the destruction of mankind and his creative powers, a nominal “value” that only exists as an agreement among men, into a form of “real” physical wealth, was the very essence of the Nazi war machine.

In order to save the outstanding debts of the UK and France to the US weapon industry owned by JP Morgan and consorts, Germany had to be forced to pay. When it turned out that was impossible, Anglo-French-American banking interests set up the “Bank for International Settlements”.

The BIS, under London’s and Wall Street’s direct supervision, allowed Hitler to obtain the Swiss currency he required to go shopping worldwide for his war machine, a war machine considered potentially useful as long as it was set to march East, towards Moscow. As a collateral for getting cash from the BIS, the German central bank would deposit as collateral tons of gold, stolen from countries it invaded (Austria, Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg, Czechoslovakia, Poland, Albania, etc.). The dental gold of the Jews, the communists, the homosexuals and the Gypsies being exterminated in the concentration camps, was deposited on a secret account of the Reichsbank to finance the SS.

The Bank of England’s and Hitler’s finance minister Hjalmar Schacht, who escaped the gallows of the Nuremberg trials thanks to his international protections, was undoubtedly the best pupil ever of Jacob Fugger the Rich, not the father of German or “modern” banking, but the father of financial fascism, inherited from Rome, Venice and Genoa. Never again.

Summary biography

Merci de partager !

ArtistCloseUp interviews Karel Vereycken on the creative method

Written By Editorial Team

What is your background and how did you start your journey in the art world?

“I was born in 1957 in Antwerp. My parents worked in the port and the ship repair industry. Their adolescence, studies and careers were reduced to zero by the war period and the need to bring an income and feed their brothers, parents and family. So for their children, my parents thought we should have the occasion to fully enjoy and explore the cultural dimensions.

My mother, who was prevented by the war to become an opera singer, got me into a music school. But at that time, the teaching methods, basically learning to read scores for two years before ever being allowed to sing, were so repugnant that I ran away from that. As an alternative, my mother sent me to a communal drawing school directed by a talented sculptor named Herman Cornelis. The bearded cigar-smoking giant would rip pages out of old books and stick them in my hands saying “copy this!”

At the same time, my father would take me every weekend to visit the numerous museums of Antwerp where paintings of Bruegel, Rembrandt, Bosch, Rubens, Van Eyck and many other Flemish masters were on show. Father couldn’t really explain why but knew this was somehow very important.

Antwerp has also a well preserved XVIth century print shop of Christopher Plantin, a French humanist who worked in that city in the 16th century with many cartographers such as Mercator and Ortelius, whose engraved globes and printed maps impressed me deeply.

Then, at age 12, I won my first art prize and my teacher convinced my mother “there was precious talent” in me. With that advice, my mother sent me to Brussels to attend the Saint Luke Art School and study Plastic Arts. Some teachers were quite annoying but others got us into deep study of anatomy, examining Leonardo da Vinci and Albrecht Dürer’s groundbreaking studies. I continued another two years at the Ecole Royale des Beaux Arts of Brussels to study copper engraving and got graduated “with distinction.”

I then moved to Paris and worked as a journalist and editor of a non-commercial militant paper. But after some years, I found out art was really lacking in my life so I returned to it. First by producing copies of old masters painting on wooden oak panels with hand-made egg tempera, venitian turpentine and various other ancient oil techniques I rediscovered with a friend of mine.

Since the people that ordered these painting took them home, at the end, I had nothing to put on show. Therefore, I returned to watercolors and etching. I also gave a three year course of drawing for some of my friends, mainly amateurs and beginners.”

What inspires you?

“What always attracted me in painting and imagining is the way art “makes visible” things and ideas that are “not visible” as such in the simple visible world but which “appear” in the minds of the viewer.

It took me over twenty years to sort out the difference between “symbols” (a “convention” accepted among a group or a code system designed to communicate a secret meaning), and “metaphor” which by assembling things unusual, by irony and paradox, allows the individual mind to “discover” the meaning the painter intended to transmit.

Such an approach offers the joy of discovery and surprise, a deep human quality. Modern art started as a non-figurative form of symbolism till “contemporary” art brought many artists to put an axe into the very idea of poetical meaning.

In 1957, the CIA sponsored, under various covers and often without the artists even knowing about it, many “abstract” artists to promote a form of art that it considered coherent with its ideology of “free enterprise.”

So what inspires me is true human culture, be it Chinese painting of the Song dynasty, the Buddhist sculptures of Gandhara, the early Flemish masters or the magnificent bronze heads of Ifé in current Nigeria. Bridging the distances in space and time, religion and philosophy, stands the celebration of unique human capacities, that of compassion, empathy and love.”

What themes do you pursue? Is there an underlying message in your work?

“I don’t pursue themes, they pursue me! My aim is to shock people by showing them that nothing is more “modern” and “revolutionary” than “classical” art, not understood as annoying academic formalism, but as a science of composition based on non-cynical, liberating ironical poetical metaphors, who are the key to all forms of art be it in the domain of the visual arts or music. Art is always a “gift” from the artist to the viewers and the act of giving is an act of love. That is the message.”

How would you describe your work?

“I consider my work as part of a teaching activity, as a sort of humanistic intellectual guerrilla “warfare.” Even if I appreciate selling my works, and get more resources available for my art work, I’m definitely not out to please a given public or to market an aesthetic object. What counts for me is to get viewers to reflect on how “art” can be a “window” to a dimension people intuitively know as important but were never given access to.

I also took dozens and dozens of friends on guided tours at the Louvre in Paris, to the Frankfurt Museum or to the Metropolitan in New York. Some of these guided visits have been audio-taped and are available on my website. After these tours, most of those I guided thanked me warmly saying “I never even suspected to what degree ideas are transmittable through paintings.””

Which artists influence you most?

“I have studied in depth the European renaissance in the works of Ghiberti, Van Eyck, Leonardo, followed by Piero della Francesca and Dürer, arab optical science gave us the science of perspective representation. I wrote several book-length articles on Rembrandt whose tenderness and profoundness moved me to tears. But if one looks to his life, he’s main quality was not his natural talent alone but the fact that he was such a hard worker. For example, to have your portrait done by Rembrandt, you had to pause for some time every day in his studio during at least three months! Having natural talents makes artists lazy! But having good results after much hard work is the trait of genius.

Deciphering Hieronymus Bosch images in his paintings brought me to explore all the ironies of the 15th Century’s Dutch language brought up by Erasmus and his circles. Viewing all of Goya’s work on show in Madrid was another shock to the degree that his painting is so political while remaining beautiful visual poetry in its own right. Emotionally, I identify mostly with him who saw, just as me, both Rembrandt, Erasmus and Bosch as the sources of his elan. Today, Gandhara Buddhist art is adding new dimensions I ignored and helps me to add the required nuances to my views mostly centered on European art.”

What is your creative process like?

“It takes a lot of courage to overcome the fear to be “completely alone” while you walk a road nobody ever walked on. Everything starts by having a “spark” of imagination and forge it into paradoxical metaphors. As an example, the way I created my work Stairway to Heaven (color etching on zinc, image 3). It started with my examination of the fantastic Chinese landscape paintings. Going through pictures of Chinese landscapes, I realized some of these paintings were not pure imagination but based on landscapes that really existed. The most fascinating of them are certainly those of an area called “Yellow mountains.”

Now at that time, I was also unraveling the way the Flemish painter Joachim Patinir painted his landscapes, as objects for religious contemplation. In the latter’s painting, man is seen, as in Augustinian philosophy, as a pilgrim, who has to learn how to detach himself from earthly possessions, that attachment considered a source of evil. The pilgrim is at the crossroads. By his free will he has to decide, either to take the easy road downhill or the difficult road uphill where he will reach out by going through a small gate.

So in my etching, I “married” a landscape from this Flemish school (on the left) with a view of China’s Yellow mountain. Initially, I had left out the pilgrim, but by working on the landscape, the idea came back to my mind. To accentuate that the road downhill was the road to evil, I added an owl, in Flemish folk art a symbol of evil since able to see in the dark and to grab you in your weakness. So, as one of my friends says, “behind Karel’s works, there’s always a story,” but it is up to you to discover it !”

What is an artist’s role in society and how do you see that evolving?

“I see on the internet dozens of very talented artists, the world is full of them! But what is required is a turn. What we need are political and financial elites willing to promote a culture that give these talents the chance and the means to shape the public and urban living space. We need a “culture of art” that makes people more and not less human.

As the German poet Friedrich Schiller said in his poem “The artists,” it is them that have the dignity of mankind in their hands, with them humanity rises or falls. Today, a much required turn is desirable. The despicable dictatorship of a handful of greedy gallerist sitting in London, Zurich, Venice and Geneva and deciding who is or is not a valuable artist should be brought to an end and I’m not even mentioning the laundering of criminal money it involves.”

Have you had any noteworthy exhibitions you’d like to share?

“With my colleagues from the workshop of Bo Halbirk in Montreuil, it was really nice in June 2024, to present my works at the 6th Exhibit of Contemporary Prints at the Paris Saint-Sulpice market. Going public, meeting art lovers and fellow artists is always a pleasure and a way to open new avenues. I need more of that!”


Website: artkarel.com

Instagram: @karelvereycken

Other links: www.facebook.com/karel.vereycken

Merci de partager !

Quinten Matsys and Leonardo — The Dawn of Laughter and Creativity

Par Karel Vereycken, August 2024.

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Quinten Matsys, The Ill-Matched Couple, 1520-25, National Gallery, Washington.

By Karel Vereycken, August 2024.

Summary

Introduction

A. Making our values great again

  1. Cynical jokes or Socratic dialogue?
  2. What is Christian humanism?
  3. Petrarch and the “Triumph” of Death
  4. The Age of Good Laughter
  5. Sebastian Brant, Hieronymus Bosch and The Ship of Fools
  6. Chambers of Rhetoric and Landjuweel

B. Quinten Matsys’ Early Life and biography

  1. From blacksmith to painter
  2. Duchy of Brabant
  3. Training: Bouts, Memling and Van der Goes
  4. Getting started in Antwerp and abroad

C. Selected Works and thematics

  1. The Virgin and the Child, « Divine Grace » and « Free Will« 
  2. The Saint Anne Altarpiece
  3. A New Perspective
  4. Cooperation with Patinir and Dürer
  5. The Erasmus Connection
  6. Thomas More’s Utopia
  7. Pieter Gillis and « The Friendship diptych« 
  8. The Da Vinci Connection (I)

D. The Art of Erasmian Grotesque

  1. In religious paintings
  2. Misers, Bankers and Money-changers, the Fight against Usury
  3. The Da Vinci Connection (II)
  4. The Art of Grotesque per se
  5. The metaphor of the “Ill-matched Lovers”
  6. Leonardo’s baby: “The Ugly Duchess”
  7. Liefrinck and Cock

E. Conclusion

Selected Bibliography

Quinten Matsys. Engraving by Wierx, published by Lampsonius 1572.

At the turn of the century, attracting talents from all over the continent as a magnet, Antwerp2, and with some 90,000 inhabitants, had become a growing port and trade center3, outdoing the Medici’s dominated Brugge4in importance.

It was in this environment of a boiling cultural melting-pot that Quinten Matsys met, discussed and collaborated with some of the brightest of the great christian humanists of his time, be it erudite peace activists such as Erasmus of Rotterdam5 , Thomas More6 and Pieter Gillis7, innovative printers such as Dirk Martens8 from Aalst, demanding reformers such as Gerard Geldenhouwer9 and Cornélius Grapheus10, Flemish painters such as Gerard David11 and Joachim Patinir12, or foreign engravers that lived in the city or paid a visit to Antwerp, such as Albrecht Dürer,13 Lucas van Leyden14 and Hans Holbein the Younger15.

Unfortunately, today, large international publishing houses, for reasons yet unclear, seem to have condemned this highly remarkable artist to oblivion. For all those reasons, one finds hardly mention of Matsys’ name. It only appears in chapters dealing with the “Antwerp school” . 16

Even worse, not a single of his works is presented and only two mentions of his name appear in L’art flamand et hollandais, le siècles des primitifs17.

The good news is that since 2007, the Ghent Interdisciplinary Centre for Art and Science (GICAS)18 is working on a new « catalogue raisonné » of his work. The one of Larry Silver19 is hard to find and became largely unaffordable. What remains is the one of Andrée de Bosque20, with very few color prints. As a consolation, readers can access Harald Brising’s 1908 doctoral thesis, in a reprint version of 201521.

To honor and do some justice to this artist, we will attempt to explore in this article some questions left unanswered so far. To what extent did Erasmus’ work directly inspired Matsys, Patinir and their circle? What do we know about the exchanges between this group and prominent Renaissance artists such as Leonardo da Vinci and Albrecht Dürer? What influence did the Erasmian artist exert on his foreign correspondents?

Erasmus wasn’t really a fan of what was called “religious” paintings in those days, preferring agapic22 action for the common good to passive devotion of holy images. As Belgian art critic Georges Marlier (1898-1968) pointed out in 1954, in his well documented book23, while Erasmus respected and honored holy paintings if they evoked real religious sentiment, love and tenderness, that didn’t prevent him from thinking that:

Quinten Matsys. In the past, for good reasons this painting was named The Hypocrites, in modern times Two Praying Monks. (Galleria Arti Doria Pamphilj, Rome.)

Our previous inquiries into the works of both Erasmus25 and Dürer26 have familiarized us with Matsys’ age and its challenges, a subject we can not redevelop here at full length, but which gives the author some solid grounds to accomplish this task.

A. Getting our values straight

1. Cynical jokes or Socratic dialogue?

« Tussen neus en lepel », Dutch proverb meaning literally « between nose and spoon », i.e. « between one thing and another. » Phoebus Foundation.

Many modern viewers, with untrained eyes and minds steeped in a culture of abusive wokism and pessimism, lack the moral and intellectual integrity to understand the jokes27, irony and metaphors which were the very essence of cultural life28 in the Low Countries of that time.29

Lost in their own cultural prejudices, in looking at a painted face, they miss the visual puns the artist is making, trying instead to establish its identity as if the subject was a portrait. They pay obsessive (eventually useful) attention to “secret” and symbolic meanings of iconographic details hoping that their sum will somehow allow them to arrive at a sort of meaning.

We will look here afresh at Erasmus’, Matsys’ and Leonardo’s “grotesques,” which are not “cynical jokes” showing a “lack of tolerance” towards “ugly”, “sick”, “abnormal” or “different” people, as the accusation goes, but caricatures and jokes aimed to free our minds!

Erasmus and his three most prominent followers François Rabelais30, Miguel de Cervantes31 and William Shakespeare32, are the real if rarely recognized incarnations of “Christian humanism” and good laughter as a powerful political weapon to educate people’s characters, was not yet outlawed at their time.

2. What is Christian Humanism?

The thrust of Erasmus‘ educational and political programme was the promotion of docta pietas, learned piety, or what he termed the “Philosophy of Christ.”33 It can be summarized as a “wedding” between the humanist principles summarized in Plato’s Republic34 and the agapic notion of man transmitted by the Holy scriptures and the writing’s of those early fathers of the Church as Jerome35 and Augustine36who saw Plato as their imperfect precursor.

In a complete phase shift and break with feudal “blind” faith putting man’s hope uniquely in his salvation by Christ in a putative existence after death, for christian humanism, man’s nature is good and therefore the origin of evil is not man himself or some outside “Devil”, but those vices and moral afflictions Plato basically identified in his Republic centuries before being turned by the christian humanists into the famous “Seven Capital Sins”37 that had to be overcome by the “Seven Capital Virtues.”

Hieronymus Bosch, The Seven Deadly Sins and the last four things (Death, Jugement, Heaven and Hell), c. 1500, painted table, Prado, Madrid.

As a reminder, these deadly sins are:

  1. Pride, (Superbia, hubris) as opposed to Humility (Humilitas);
  2. Greed(Avaricia) as opposed to Charity (Caritas, Agapè);
  3. Wrath(Ira, rage) as opposed to Patience (Patientia);
  4. Envy(Invidia, jealousy) as opposed to Kindness (Humanitas);
  5. Lust(Luxuria, fornication) as opposed to Chastity (Castitas);
  6. Gluttony(Gula) as opposed to Temperance (Temperantia);
  7. Sloth(Acedia, melancholy, spleen, moral laziness) as opposed to Diligence (Diligentia).

Isn’t it quite telling for our own times that these sins (affections preventing us from doing the good), and not their opposing virtues, have tragically been consecrated as the very basic values guaranteeing the well-functioning of the current “Neo-liberal” financial system and its « rules-based » world order!

“Private vices make public virtue”, argued Bernard Mandeville in his 1705’s The Fable of the Bees. It is the dynamics of particular interests that stimulate the prosperity of a society, according to this Dutch theorist who inspired Adam Smith, and for whom “morality” only invites lethargy and provokes the misfortune of the city.

It is greed and perpetual pleasure-seeking and not the Common Good that have been proclaimed to be man’s essential motives, according to the dominant school of British Empiricism: Locke, Hume, Smith and consorts.

“Charity,” “Care” and “Humanitarianism” have been scaled down to a despicable and increasingly rare Lady-do-rightly activity allowing the current system to perpetuate its criminal existence. Oligarchical and banking families’ “Charities” and “Foundations” have even become the oligarchy’s tool to impose their perpetual dominance.

3. Petrarch and the “Triumph of Death”

Daniel Hopfer, Women looking in a mirror, surprised by Death and the Devil, 1515, copper engraving. Metropolitan Museum of Art.

Christianity, as all major humanist religions, relentlessly labor to shake up those wasting their lives in sinful behavior by showing them how their behavior is both dramatic and even ridiculous in light of the extreme shortness of individual physical existence.

Dürer made this the core theme of his three famous Meisterstiche (master engravings) who have to be interpreted and cannot be understood but as one single unity: Knight, Death and the Devil (1513), Saint Jerome in His Study (1514) and Melencolia I (1514).38

In each of these engravings one can find an hourglass, metaphor for the inexorable march of time. Saint Jerome is often depicted with an hourglass (time) and a skul (mortality), a metaphor for vanitas.39

Erasmus made of these concepts his personal banner together with the moto: “Concedi Nulli » which refers to death saying that nobody will escape her grip, underlining even more the inexorable nature of human mortality. In that sense, the Christian Renaissance, was a mass movement for spiritual immortality, both against religious superstition and against the revival of Greco-Roman paganism.

This conceptual theme was congruent with Francis Petrarch’s (1304-1374)40 poetic I Trionfi cycle (1351-1374)41, structured in six allegorical triumphs.

Illustration of Petrarch’s Triomph of Fame over Death, Biblionthèque Nationale de France.

Petrarch’s triumphs are “concatenated,” so that the Triumph of Love (over Mankind and even Gods) is itself triumphed over by another allegorical force, the Triumph of Chastity. In its turn, Chastity is triumphed over by Death; Death is overcome by Fame; Fame is conquered by Time; and even Time is ultimately overcome by Eternity, the Triumph of God over all such worldly concerns.

Since death will “triumph” at the end of our ephemeral physical existence, the fear of death and the fear of God should help man concentrate to contribute something immortal to future generations rather than get lost in the labyrinth of earthly pleasures and pains that Hieronymus Bosch (1450-1516)42 depicted with great irony in his triptyche, the Garden of Earthly Delights (1503-1515).43

Leonardo, whose far advanced scientific-religious sentiment was considered a heresy by many in Rome44, expressed with some anger in his notebooks that many men and women didn’t merit the beautiful human body God gave them.

4. The Age of “Good Laughter”

Dictionaries have it that people have a “good laugh” when they find amusing and funny a situation that was at first upsetting. In short, good laughter is the reward of a true creative process when the “agony” of looking for solutions ends with finding one. That can be for scientific and practical questions but also in the development process of one’s personal identity. The storm and the clouds are gone and full light brings a new perspective.

On her blog Angeles Earth, visual artist and art historian Angeles Nieto highlights the intimate connection between humour and creativity:

Erasmus, « grotesque » self-portrait.

For the Christian humanists, through the “mirror-effect” intrinsically inherent to a “Socratic dialogue” (which starts by accepting what you know not – called docta ignorantia [learned ignorance] by Cusanus47), man has and can be freed from these “sinful” afflictions, because man’s free will can be mobilized to bring him to act in accordance to his real (good) nature, that of dedicating himself and getting his ultimate pleasure in accomplishing the common good in service of the others, including in economic activities.

By claiming that man’s life on earth is fully predetermined by God, Luther’s denied the existence of the free will48, and made man totally irresponsible for his own deeds.

That viewpoint was the exact opposite of that of Erasmus who had started calling on the Church to curb their financial abuses such as the famous “indulgencies” longtime before Luther was brought on the scene.49

All of Erasmus’ writings where put on the index of forbidden literature for Catholics. They remained on that list till 1910.

The Christian Humanists were firmly committed to elevate our souls to the highest realm of moral and intellectual beauty by freeing us from our earthly attachments — not by inflicting guilt feelings or moral orations and the lucrative business of fear from hell, but by laughter!

Laughter can ruin the authority of the powerful and the tyrants. Therefore, it is the most devastating political weapon ever conceived.

For the evil forces, truth-seeking laughter, of the sort promoted by Erasmus and his followers, had and remains to be ignored, slandered and as much as possible eradicated and replaced with melancholy, obedience and submission to in advance justified narratives and doctrines of painful scholastic constipation.

5. Sebastian Brant, Hieronymus Bosch and The Ship of Fools

Albrecht Dürer, portrait of Sebastian Brant.

Years before Erasmus published his In Praise of Folly (written in 1509 and first published in Paris in 1511)50, the Strasbourg humanist poet and social reformer Sebastian Brant (1458-1521), opened the of the gates of such Socratic laughter with his Narrenshiff (The Ship of Fools, published in 1494 in Basel, Strasbourg, Paris and Antwerp)51, a hilarious satirical work illustrated with engravings of Dürer and later Holbein the Younger. 73 of the 105 illustrations for the original edition were produced by Dürer.

Brant was a key contact and ally of Johann Froben (1460-1529) and Johann Amerbach (1441-1513), the Swiss printer families that later welcomed Erasmus when being persecuted in the Low Countries he had to go into exile in Basel.

The Ship of Fools took Europe by a storm. Brant was not only a satirist but a well educated humanist who had notably translated Petrarch’s poems.52

“Genre-painting,” wrote Georges Marlier in 195453 and more recently the American art historian Larry Silver54, depicting aspects of everyday life by portraying ordinary people engaged in common activities, was born with Quinten Matsys (One should rather say with the Erasmian paradigm we just identified).

Images of more ordinary women and men, wealthy tradesman and bankers, suddenly appeared as sovereign individuals to be portrayed for their own merits rather than as donors praying while assisting at a religious scene. Dürer made an engraving of « A cook and his wife. »55

Of course, times had changed and so had the client-base of painters. The orders came much less from the religious orders and wealthy cardinals in Rome and increasingly more from wealthy bourgeois out to embellish their homes and eager to offer their portraits to friends.

The expansion of the Antwerp market that made paintings available as a middle-class luxury product is a well-studied phenomenon, and research has confirmed Lodovico Guicciardini’s56 claim that there were at least 300 active painters’ workshops in Antwerp by the 1560s.

Brant’s Ship of Fools, was a real turning point and game changer of the day, the prelude of a new paradigm. It marked the beginning of a long arch of creativity, reason and education through healthy laughter whose echo resonated loudly until the death of Pieter Bruegel the Elder57 in 1569. That élan was ony halted when Charles Vth resurrected the Inquisition in 1521 by plublishing his decrees (“placards”) forbidding ordinary citizens from reading, commenting and discussing the Bible.

The Ship of Fools is divided in 113 sections, each of which, with the exception of a short introduction and two concluding pieces, treats independently of a certain class of fools or vicious persons; and we are only occasionally reminded of the fundamental idea by an allusion to the ship. No folly of the century is left uncensored. The poet attacks with noble zeal the failings and extravagances of his age, and applies his sword unsparingly even against the dreaded Hydra of popery and monasticism.

The book opens with the denunciation of the first fool, one which turns away from the study of all the wonderful books in his possession58. The third one (out of 113), not far away, is greed and avarice.59

Coherent with this, is Hieronymus Bosch’s partly lost triptych. Modern research has established that Bosch’s Ship of Fools (Louvre, Paris), eventually painted before Brant60 wrote his satire, was the left panel of a triptych whose right panel was The Death of the Miser (National Gallery, Washington). 61

Interesting here, is the fact that there is no fatality in this painting and that what people become, a fool or a wise man, depends on each person’s personal decision, a doctrine quintessential to the convictions of the Brothers of the Common Life62 with whom Bosch, had major affinities. Even the miser, until his last breath, can choose between looking up to Christ or down to the devil!

We ignore the theme of the central panel which is lost. But we do know that the backsides of the two lateral panels folded together complete the image of a Door-to-door salesman (before mistakenly called The return of the prodigal son) also depicted on the outside panels of Bosch’s triptych of the Hay wagon, showing kings, princes and popes running after a wagon full of hay (a metaphor for money).

The theme of a peregrinating peddler63 was very popular among the Brothers of the Common Life and the Devotio Moderna64 for whom individual responsibility and choice was decisive for each person to save above all himself with some help of God.

For Augustine, man is permanently confronted with an existential choice. Either he takes the bumpy, difficult road moving him to a spiritually more elevated position and closer to God, or he goes down the easy way by attaching himself to earthly passions and affections. The beauty of man and nature, warns Augustine, can and should be fully enjoyed and celebrated under condition they are understood as a mere “foretaste of divine wisdom” 65 and not as purely earthly pleasures. The peddler as found in Bosch and Patinir is therefore a metaphor of mankind fighting to remain on the right road and in the right direction.

Bosch will populate his paintings with deprived men and women running like brainless animals behind little fruits as cherries and beys, metaphors for extremely ephemeral earthly pleasures unable to offer any real durable satisfaction.

Hans Holbein the Younger. Illustration for Erasmus’ In Praise of Folly. The homo viator, always going from one place to the next.

The peddler advances “op een slof en een schoen” (on a slipper and a shoe) i.e., he has abandoned his house and has left the created world of sin (we see a bordello, drunkards, etc.), and all material possessions. With his “staff” (a symbol of Faith) he succeeds in repelling the “infernal dogs” (Evil) that try to hold him back. Such metaphorical images are not personal outbursts of the exuberant imagination of Bosch, but a common image very much used in that period. An illumination of a fourteenth-century English psalm book, the Luttrell Psalter, features exactly the same allegorical representation.

The same theme, that of a homo viator, the man who detaches himself from earthly goods, is also recurrent in the art and literature of this period, particularly since the Dutch translation of Pèlerinage de la vie et de l’âme humaine (pilgrimage of life and the human soul), written in 1358 by the Norman Cistercian monk Guillaume de Degulleville (1295-after 1358).

If the three surviving images on the panels of the Bosch triptych (the Ship of fools, the Miser and the Peregrinating peddler) are hard to connect when analysed separately, their coherence appears strongly once one identifies this overriding concept.66

Today, an imaginative, creative painter could try to find out what Bosch’s lost panel would have looked like, the theme certainly having focused on the origin of evil (going from a ship of fools to the death of the miser).

6. Chambers of Rhetoric and Landjuweel

One man’s laughter does not make another man happy. It undermines the illegitimate authority of emperors, popes, bankers, dukes and tyrants. Irony, satire and humor are indeed the most powerful political weapons ever devised. Persecution, censorship, intimidation, terror and punishment must extirpate it from minds and souls.

The Ommegang in Antwerp, Erasmus de Bie, Cassel Museum, France.

The wave of cultural emancipation in the Low Countries, to which Erasmus and Matsys made their own contributions, reached its apogee during the second half of the 16th Century and provoked a brutal reaction from the ruling powers.

The “beginning of the end” of the Spanish occupation of the Netherlands was the banning of the Landjuweel 67. As early as the 13th and 14th centuries, Landjuwelen were poetry contests organized between the archers’ guilds of the Duchy of Brabant. In the 15th and 16th centuries, the Rederijkers (Rhetoricians) organized competitions between Chambers of Rhetoric along similar lines.

Each contest was organized around a central philosophical question, a zinne, e.g., “What most incites man to art?” (Antwerp, 1561) or ”What most comforts man in the hour of his death? » (Ghent, 1539). The contending Chambers of Rhetoric then had to answer with a play, a zinne-spel (where the zinne is the question asked).

Other contests included entertaining and wacky plays, esbattements, songs and the rebus coat of arms. This was a sort of coat of arms with a rebus on it. The role of « cathartic laughter » (catharsis = purification) deployed in comedy and satire is well known. Faced with the anguish of everyday life or political oppression, humor provides an immediate emotional release, while offering a critical distance. Mockerey and cathartic laughter can be beneficial, although there’s a danger that if they aren’t followed by a call to action, they may demobilize us.

Illustration of a chronicle of the Landjuweel 1561 in Antwerp. Wherever Light (Lux) shines, there is Peace (Pax), Charity (Charitas) and Reason (Ratio). Thanks to Moderation (Prudentia), Poetry (Rhetorica) and Ingenuity (Inventio), Rage (Ira), Envy (Invidia) and Discord (Discordia) are pushed towards the abyss of Eternal Darkness. In the center, the bull (symbol of Saint-Luke the evangelist and the Saint Lukes guild, the painters’ guild) with the epigram “Wt ionsten Versaemt” (Gathered together out of affection [for art]).

The Landjuweel organized by Antwerp’s Chamber of Rhetoric De Violieren in August 1561 goes down in history as the most dazzling. This chamber was in fact nothing but the literary branch of the Saint-Luke’s Guild, i.e. the painters’ guild of which Matsys, Patinir, David and other friends of Erasmus had been members. 68

Fourteen chambers took part. Some 1,400 rhetoricians on horseback, in festive costume, with music and song, made their entrance into the city. The procession included 23 floats and 200 other carriages.

Drama, poetry, music and painting shared the same visual imagery. One of these “points” (ornately decorated floats with allegorical-moralizing representations) during the Onze-Lieve-Vrouwe-ommegang (our Lady’s procession) of Antwerp in 1563 was described at that time as the kind of hay wagon that appears at the center of one of Bosch’s paintings, The Hay Wagon (1501, Madrid), an allegory for the morbid pursuit of “earthly gain” :

The same theme is also at the center of an engraving by Frans Hogenberg of 1559. On this print, the people around the hay wagon are divided into groups and provided with captions.

The stage in Antwerp during the Landjuweel of 1561.

Stage performances took place on a beautifully decorated wooden stage in the Grote Markt, in front of the yard of the new City Hall. It was designed by Cornelis II Floris.

The introductory plays are written by Willem van Haecht.

The play of sentences should answer the question “what drives man most to art.”

Three hundred years before Friedrich Schiller, people considered elevated art as an important tool for humanization and political emancipation.

The Landjuweel and the Ommegang were popular festivals where “everything was allowed”, where the “little man” could taunt and mock the oppressor with satires, disguises and songs of mockery and thus, if only for a very short moment, make the yoke of Spain a little more bearable.

Most allegorical plays that were performed were biting satires against the pope, monks, indulgences, pilgrimages and so on. As soon as they appeared, they were considered a threat. , It was not without reason that the Landjuweel of 1561 was later cited as the first to incite both both the people and the literary world in favor of the Protestant Reformation. Because these works were far from favorable to the Spanish regime, the Duke of Alba ordered their abolition by the Index of 1571, and later the government even banned all public and private theatrical performances organized by the Chambers of Rhetoric.

B. Quinten Matsys, biographical elements

With this in mind, and knowing what were the stakes at that time, we can now examine more profoundly Matsys’ life 71 and some of his works.

1. From Blacksmith to painter

Quinten Matsys, bronze medal with self-portrait.

One of four children, Quinten Matsys was born in Leuven to Joost Matsys (d. 1483) and Catherine van Kincken sometime between April 4 and September 10, 1466. Most early accounts of Matsys’ life are composed primarily of legends 72 and very little contemporary accounts exist of the nature of his activities or character.

According to the Historiae Lovaniensium by Joannes Molanus (1533-1585), Matsys was born in Leuven between April 4 and September 10, 1466, as one of four children of Joost Matsys (d. 1483) and Catherine van Kincken.

Most accounts of his life blend fact and legend. In reality, there are very few clues as to his activity or character.

In Leuven, Quinten is said to have had modest beginnings as an ironworker. Legend has it that he fell in love with a beautiful girl who was also being courted by a painter. As the girl much preferred painters to blacksmiths, Quentin quickly abandoned the anvil for the paintbrush.

In 1604, chronicler Karel Van Mander states that Quintin, stricken with an illness since the age of twenty, “was in the impossibility to earn his bread” as a blacksmith.

Van Mander reminds us that in Antwerp, during « Shrove Tuesday » celebrations,

Karel Vereycken, Antwerp, etching on zinc, 2011.

In Antwerp, in front of Our Lady’s cathedral at the Handschoenmarkt (glove market), one still can find the « putkevie » (a decorated wrought iron gate on a well) said to be made by Quinten Matsys himself and depicting the legend of Silvius Brabo and Druon Antigoon, respectively the names of a mythical Roman officer who liberated Antwerp from the oppression of a giant called Antigoon who would harm the trade of the city by blocking the entrance of the river.

The inscription on the well reads: “Dese putkevie werd gesmeed door Quinten Matsijs. De liefde maeckte van den smidt eenen schilder.” (« The ironwork for this well was forged by Quinten Matsys. Love made the blacksmith a painter. »)

Documented donations and possessions of Quinten’s father Joost Matsys indicate that the family had a respectable income and that financial need was not the most likely reason for which Matsys turned to painting.

Quinten Matsys, Virgin and Child Enthroned with Four Angels, 1505.

Although no evidence exists documenting Quinten Metsys’ training before his enrolment as a free master in the Antwerp painter’s guild in 1491, his brother Joos Matsys II’s design project74 in Leuven and their father’s activities suggest that the young artist first learned how to draw and transfer his ideas to paper from his family and that they first exposed him to architectural forms and their creative deployment.

His earlier works in particular clearly suggest that he had training as an architectural draughtsman. In his 1505 Virgin and Child Enthroned with Four Angels, the divine titular characters are seated on a gilded throne whose gothic tracery echoes that in the window on the parchment drawing and the limestone model for the St Peter’s project to which his brother was assigned at around the same time.

In 1897, Edward van Even, without presenting any evidence, wrote that Matsys also composed music, wrote poetry and produced etchings.75

What we do know for sure is that the artist produced some magnificent bronze medaillons representing Erasmus, his sister Catarina and himself.

Around 1492, he married Alyt van Tuylt, who gave him three children: two sons, Quinten and Pawel, and a daughter, Katelijne. Alyt died in 1507 and Quentin remarried a year later. With his new wife Catherina Heyns, they had ten more children, five sons and five daughters. Shortly after their father’s death, two of his sons, Jan (1509-1575) and Cornelis (1510-1556),76 became painters and members of the Antwerp Guild.

Cornelis made an engraving showing « The Blind guiding the Blind », which Bruegel made later into a painting.

The Blind guiding the Blind, engraving, Cornelis Matsys, 1550.

2. The Duchy of Brabant

Leuven.

Leuven, at that time, was the capital of the Duchy of Brabant which extended from Luttre, south of Nivelles to ‘s Hertogenbosch. It included the cities of Aalst, Antwerp, Mechelen, Brussels and Leuven, where in 1425, one of the first universities of Europe saw the light.

Five years later, in 1430, together with the Duchies of Lower Lotharingia and Limburg, Brabant was inherited by Philip the Good of Burgundy and became part of the Burgundian Netherlands77.

Then, when Matsys was around 11 years old, in 1477, the Duchy of Brabant fell under Hapsburg rule as part of the dowry of Mary of Burgundy to Maximilian of Austria.

The subsequent history of Brabant is part of the history of the Hapsburg « Seventeen Provinces » increasingly under the control of such Augsburg banking families as the Fuggers and Welsers.78

Erasmus’ and Matsys’ epoch was a glorious period of the “Renaissance in the North” but also marks the continuous efforts of these banking families’ to “buy up” the papacy and achieve world hegemony. The imperial geopolitical sharing of the entire world among the Spanish Empire (run by Venetian and Fugger bankers) and the Portuguese Empire (run by Genovese and Welser bankers), a deal formalized by the Treaty of Tordesillas, endorsed in 1494 in the Vatican by Pope Alexander VI Borgia, opened the gates to colonial subjugation of people and countries, fueled by a highly questionable sense of cultural superiority.

Following the never-ending state bankruptcies of these financial oligarchs, the Low Countries fell prey to economic looting, military dictatorship and fanaticism. By demonizing Luther, increasingly committed to creating an opposition outside the Catholic church, the oligarchy avoided successfully those urgent reforms called for by the Erasmians to eradicate abuses and corruption inside the Catholic church. Rome’s refusal to accept Henry VIII’s demands for divorce, were part of an overall strategy to plunge the entire European continent in “religious wars,” that only ended with the 1648 Peace of Westphalia.

3. Training: Bouts, Van der Goes and Memling

The early triptychs, painted by Matsys, gained him a lot of praise and got historians to present him as one of the last “Flemish Primitives”, in reality a nickname given by Michelangelo79 to intrinsically slander and discredit all non-Italian art considered “Gothic” (barbarian), or “primitive” in comparison to Italian art whichh immitated the immortal antique style.

Since he was born in Leuven, it has been thought he could have been trained by Aelbrecht Bouts (1452-1549), the son of painter dominating Leuven at that time, Dieric Bouts the Elder (c. 1415-1475).80

In 1476, one year after his father’s death, Aelbrecht reportedly left Leuven, perhaps to complete his training with a master outside the city. This master, in my view, was most probably Hugo van der Goes (1440-1482)81, whose influence on Aelbrecht Bouts, but also on Quinten Matsys, seems real.

Van der Goes, who became the dean of the Painting guild of Ghent in 1474 and died in 1482 in Red Cloister close to Brussels, was a vehement follower of the Brother’s of the Common Life and their principles82. As a young assistant of Aelbrecht Bouts, and getting training from Van der Goes, Matsys could have discovered what was the cradle of Christian humanism at that time.

Van der Goes’s most outstanding surviving work is the Portinari Triptych (Uffizi, Florence), an altarpiece commissioned for the church of Sant’Egidio in the hospital of Santa Maria Nuova in Florence by Tommaso Portinari, the manager of the Bruges branch of the Medici Bank.

The raw features of the shepherds (expressing the three states of spiritual elevation identified Jan van Ruusbroec (1294-1381) and the Brothers of the Common Life83) in van der Goes’s composition made a deep impression on painters working in Florence.

Quinten Matsys, portrait of Jacob Obrecht, 1496, Forth Worth.

Matsys is also considered as a possible pupil of Hans Memling (1430-1494), the latter being a follower of Van der Weyden (1400-1464)84 and a leading painter in Brugge.

Memling’s style and that of Matsys, in certain aspects, are hard to distinguish.

While the Flemish art historian Dirk de Vos inscribed, in his 1994 catalogue of Hans Memling’s work, the portrait of the Flemish musician composer Jacob Obrecht85 (1496, Kimbell Art Museum, Fort Worth), as a very late work by Hans Memling, current experts, among which Larry Silver, conclusively demonstrate that in reality, it is far more likely that the portrait is the earliest known work of Quinten Matsys86.

Obrecht, who was a major influence on polyphonic Renaissance music, had been named choirmaster of the Cathedral of Our Lady in Antwerp in 1492. Erasmus served as one of Obrecht’s choirboys around 1476.

Obrecht made at least two trips to Italy, once in 1487 at the invitation of Duke Ercole d’Este I of Ferrare87 and again in 1504. Ercole had heard Obrecht’s music, which is known to have circulated in Italy between 1484 and 1487, and said that he appreciated it above the music of all other contemporary composers; consequently he invited Obrecht who died from the plague in Italy.

Already in the 1460s, Erasmus teacher in Deventer, music composer and organist Rudolph Agricola88, had travelled to Italy. After studying civil low in Pavia and attending lectures by Battista Guarino, he went to Ferrare where he became a protégé of the Este court.

Around 1499 Leonardo made a drawing of Ercole’s daughter, Isabella d’Este, according to some to be the person painted in the Mona Lisa.

4. Getting started in Antwerp and abroad

Matsys was registered in Leuven in 1491, but the same year he was equally admitted as a master painter in the Guild of St Luke in Antwerp where, at the age of twenty-five, he decided to settle. In Antwerp, as said before, he depicted the choirmaster Jacob Obrecht in 1496, his first known work, and several Virgin and Child devotional paintings.

After that, since the Liggeren (painting guild records) don’t report any information about Matsys activity in the Low Countries for a period of several years, it remains very tempting to imagine Matsys going on an eventual trip to Italy. 89 Renowned Belgian Art Historian Dirk de Vos, considers such a trip to Northern Italy a plausible possibility.

There, he could have met great masters among which Leonardo da Vinci, who lived in Milan between 1482 and 1499 and returned to Milan in 1506 where he met his pupil Francesco Melzi (1491-1567) who later accompanied him to France. Matsys could also have traveled over the Rhine to Strasbourg or Colmar. He eventually could have traveled to Nuremberg where he could have met Dürer which he seems to have known longtime before the latter came to the Netherlands in 1520.

Dürer was sent by his parents to Alsace to be trained in the art of engraving by Martin Schongauer (1450-1491), by far the most talented engraver of his time. 91

But when he arrived in Colmar in the summer of 1492, Schongauer had died. From Colmar the artist traveled to Basel, where he made designs for the woodcut illustrations for books and discovered the impressive engravings of Jacob Burgkmair (1473-1531) and Hans Holbein the Elder. 92

He then went to Strasbourg in 1492 where he met and made the portrait of the erudite humanist poet and author Sebastian Brant already mentioned above.

C. Selected Works

1. The Virgin and the Child, Divine Grace and the Free Will

In 1495, Matsys painted a Virgin and Child (left) (Brussels). Even while still very normative, Matsys already “enriches” devotion with less formal scenery of daily life. The child, playfully exploring new physical principles, clumsily tries to turn the pages of a book, while a very serious Virgin sits herself in an elaborated niche of Gothic architecture, probably chosen to fit with the building or house where the work would end up being exposed.

Another Virgin and Child (right) (Rotterdam) of Matsys goes even further in this direction. It shows a quite happy caring young mother with a playful child, underlying the fact that Christ was the son of God but now had become human.

On a display close to the viewer, a loaf of bread and a cup of milk-soup with a spoon, undoubtedly the daily scene for most inhabitants of the Low Countries trying to feed their children.

Gerard David, Madonna and Child with the Milk Soup, 1520, Brussels

Another “Madonna and child with the milk soup,” (Brussels) this one painted in 1520 by Matsys’ friend, the painter Gerard David, literally shows a young mother teaching her child that the backside of a spoon is not the best tool to transfer milk soup to one’s mouth.

One outstanding feature of many virgins of these period, be it by Quinten Matsys (Virgin and Child, Louvre, 1529, Paris) or Gerard David (Rest on the flight into Egypt), National Gallery, Washington), is the image of the child trying, with great difficulties, to get a hold on a fruit, be it a cherry or a grape of raisin.

In 1534, in his Diatribe on the Free Will, Erasmus also used this metaphor on the fragile equilibrium to be considered in the proportion between the operations of the free will (which, alone, separated from a higher purpose, can become pure arrogance) and those of divine grace (which alone can be misunderstood as a form of predestination).

To make that point clear with an image, paints paints a very simple metaphor, but of extreme tenderness and beauty:

Jan Matsys, Virgin and Child, 1537, Metropolitan, New York.

In short, free will, yes, but without pretending that man can do it alone.

2. Saint Anne Altarpiece

The painted « portico » on the flat panel formed one single unity with the three dimensional original frame, lost today.

In Antwerp, Matsys’ activity made a major step forward with the first important public commissions for two large triptych altarpieces:

  • the Joiners’ Guild Altarpiece (c. 1511, Antwerp museum), also known as the Lamentation, clearly inspired by Roger Van der Weyden’s Deposition of the cross (Prado, Madrid) ;
  • the Saint Anne Altarpiece (1507–1509, Brussels museum), painted for the Collegiate Church of St Peter in Leuven and signed “Quinte Metsys screef dit.” (Quinten Metsys wrote this).

Saint Anne Alterpiece

The content and narrative of the Saint Anne Alterpiece was of course entirely dictated to the painter by the commissioners willing to decorate their dedicated chapel of the Church. The central panel depicts the history of the family of St Anne – the Holy Kinship – inside a monumental building crowned by a truncated dome and arcades that offer a wide view on a mountainous landscape.

The altarpiece depicts five scenes from the life of Anne, the Virgin’s mother and her husband Joachim. The various members of the saint’s family appear on the central panel. The key event in the life of Anne and her husband Joachim, namely that they will become the parents of the Virgin Mary while they thought themselves incapable of having children, is depicted in the left and right panels of the triptych.

The Chaste Kiss

The “immaculate” conception, allowing Anna to have the virgin Mary as her child, is depicted as a chaste kiss between the couple in front of the Golden Gate of the Jerusalem city wall. This subject was immensely popular and painted before by Giotto and later by Dürer.

The “chaste kiss” as a metaphor for the immaculate conception of the Virgin, was well received by the public. As a result, it was rapidly transposed to the immaculate conception of Christ himself. Hence, the sudden appearance of paintings showing Mary “kissing” her baby as close as on the lips.

The cycle on the Altarpiece ends with Anne’s death depicted on the inside right panel where she is surrounded by her children and Christ giving his blessings.

Despite the impressive scale and the conventional narrative, Matsys sought to create a more intimate feeling of contemplation. An example of this is the figure of the small cousin of Jesus in the left corner, who playfully gathers beautiful illuminations around him and, now fully focused, tries to read them.

3. A new perspective

In two other articles94, I have underscored the fact that both Jan Van Eyck95 and Lorenzo Ghiberti96 were quite familiar with “Arab optics”, in particular the works of Ibn-al-Haytham97 (known by his Latinized name Alhazen).

During the Renaissance, at least two “schools”, after opposing each other, ended up completing each other respecting the best way to represent “space” in art.

For one school, centered on Alberti98, space could be reduced to a “central” vanishing point, i.e. a purely mathematical geometrical construction. For the other, that of Roger Bacon, Witelo and later Johannes Kepler, one had to start from the physiognomy of both eyes and how they produce the image of space in the mind. Van Eyck and Ghiberti used both approaches employing either the one-eyed « cyclopic » Alberti model denounced by Leonardo, or the « bi-focal » Alhazen approach.

Since the cyclopic approach has been decreed to be the only “mathematical” and therefore the only “scientific” way to represent space, the bi-focal approach was slandered as being full of “errors” or purely intuitive and “non-scientific”. Among those accused, most paintings of the “Flemish Primitives”

Now, as mentioned earlier, since 2007, the Ghent Interdisciplinary Center for Art and Science (GICAS) has been working on a new « catalogue raisonné » of the work of Quinten Matsys.

In 2010, Jochen Ketels and Maximiliaan Martens investigated99 Matsys’s 1509 Saint Anne Altarpiece and the impressive italianate portico on the central panel to be understood as a visual element integrating the entire work in a three-dimensional wooden frame currently lost (see images above).

Infra-red also brought to light the existence of

Albrecht Dürer, after Piero della Francesca. What Dürer calles Piero’s « transfer » method would become the basis for projective geometry, the key science that made possible the industrial revolution.

In this respect, it is noteworthy that one of the rare persons, in contact with Matsys at one point or another, which had read and studied Piero della Francesca’s treaty on perspective was none-other than Albrecht Dürer, whose own Four Books on Human Proportion (1528) builds on Piero’s groundbreaking achievements.102

The investigators also verified Matsys’ use of the central vanishing point perspective by employing the “cross-ratio” method. Astonished, they demonstrate that “Matsys shows his competence in matters of perspective, equal to Italian renaissance standards” and that his perspective was “very correct, indeed.” 103

Till now, it was taken for granted that the science of perspective only reached the Low Countries after Jan Gossaert’s trip to Rome in 1508, while Matsys’s, showing his masterful and extensive knowledge of science of perspective, started composing this oeuvre as early as 1507.

4. Matsys’ cooperation with Patinir, Dürer and Leonardo

Antwerp.
Albrecht Dürer, portrait de Joachim Patinir.

A final note on this painting: the mountainous landscape behind the figures already resembles the typical, disquieting landscapes produced by Matsys’s close friend Joachim Patinir, another little-known giant in the history of painting.

Yet Patinir’s authority was no mean feat. Felipe de Guevara, friend and artistic advisor to Charles V and Philip II, mentions Patinir in his Commentaries on Painting (1540) as one of the three greatest painters in the region, alongside Rogier van der Weyden and Jan van Eyck.

Patinir ran a large studio with assistants in Antwerp. Among those under the triple influence of Bosch, Matsys and Patinir are:

  • Cornelis Matsys (1508-1556), son of Quinten, who married Patinir’s daughter;
  • Herri met de Bles (1490-1566), active in Antwerp, possible nephew of Patinir;
  • Lucas Gassel (1485-1568), active in Brussels and Antwerp;
  • Jan Mostaert (1475-1552), painter active in Haarlem;
  • Frans Mostaert (1528-1560), painter active in Antwerp;
  • Jan Wellens de Cock (1460-1521), painter active in Antwerp;
  • Matthijs Wellens de Cock (1509-1548), painter-engraver active in Antwerp;
  • Jérôme Wellens de Cock (1510-1570), painter-engraver, who, with his wife Volcxken Diericx, founded In de Vier Winden, probably the largest engraving workshop north of the Alps at the time, employing Pieter Brueghel the Elder.
Cornelis Matsys, The Blind Guiding the Blind (1550). 4,5 x 7,8 cm. Etching that inspired Pieter Brueghel the Elder for his own painting on this theme in 1558.

It is generally accepted that Matsys painted the figures in some of Patinir’s landscapes. According to the 1574 Escorial inventory, this was the case for The Temptations of Saint Anthony (1520, Prado, Madrid).

One is tempted to think that this collaboration between friends worked both ways, with Patinir creating landscapes for Matsys’ works and at his request, a reality that somewhat challenges the persistent myth of a Renaissance presented as the cradle of modern individualism.

The fact that Matsys and Patinir were very close is confirmed by the fact that, after Patinir’s untimely death (at age 44), Matsys became the guardian of his two daughters. It’s also interesting to note that Gerard David, who became Bruges’ leading painter after Memling, became a member of the St. Lucas guild in Antwerp in 1515 jointly with Patinir, which gave him legal access to the booming Antwerp art market.

Modern art historians tend to present Patinir as the « inventor » of the landscape painting, claiming that for him religious subjects were mere pretexts for the development of landscapes that were the true protagonists, much as Rubens painted Adam and Eve only because we wanted to paint nudes.

Eventually true for Rubens but dead wrong for Patinir, whose “beautiful” landscapes, as art historian Reindert L. Falkenberg documented in depth104, were nothing but a sophisticated sort of deceptive trick of the devil attracting souls to attach themselves to earthly pleasure…

Henri Leys, Visit of Dürer to Antwerp, 1855, Antwerp.

Albrecht Dürer

A unique source of information is Dürer’s diary of his visit to the Low Countries.105 Why did Dürer come to the Low Countries? One of the explanations is that following the death of his main patron and order giver emperor Maximilian I, the artist came in an effort to get his pension confirmed by Charles V.

Dürer arrived in Antwerp on August 3, 1520 and visited Brussels and Mechelen where he was received by Margaret of Austria (1480-1530), aunt of Charles V, who sometimes lent Erasmus a sympathetic ear, in charge of administering the Burgondian Low Countries as long as Charles was to young.

In Mechelen, Dürer certainly visited the beautiful residence of Hieronymus of Busleyden (1470-1517, soon to become the financial mecenas of the « Trilingual College »106 launched by Erasmus in Leuven in 1517. Busleyden was a friend of Cuthbert Tunstall (1475-1559), the Bishop of London who introduced him to Thomas More.

While staying with Margaret, Dürer reports having been able to admire an incredible painting from her collection, The Arnolfini couple (1434) by Jan van Eyck. Margaret had just granted a pension to a Venetian painter, Jacopo de’ Barbari (1440-1515),107 a painter-engraver, diplomat and political exile in Mechelen who painted a portrait of Luca Pacioli (1445-1514), the Franciscan friar that introduced Leonardo to Euclid and wrote the De Divina Proportiona (1509), illustrated by Leonardo. De Barbari was described by his contemporaries, including Dürer, the Venetian art-lover Marcantonio Michiel (1584-1552) and the Antwerp humanist Gerad Geldenhauer.

In 1504, de Barbari met with Dürer in person in Nuremberg, and the pair discussed the canon of human proportions, a core subject of the latter’s research over the next 24 years. 108

Hence, an unpublished draft version of Dürer’s own treatise on the subject reveals that he thought the Italian was holding back on him:

By March of 1510 de’ Barbari was in the employ of the regentess Archduchess Margaret of Austria (1480-1530) in Brussels and Mechelen. In January 1511, he fell ill and made a will, and, in March, the Archduchess gave him a pension for life on account of his age and weakness. He was dead by 1516, leaving the Archduchess with his stock of 23 engraving plates and a book of drawings. 110

But when Dürer asked to get a hold on them, she politely declined his request. 111

The artist’s diary reveals nevertheless that he was often entertained by his local colleagues. In Antwerp, « I went to see Quinten Matsys in his house, » wrote Dürer in his journal.112

In the same city, he makes a portrait sketch of Lucas van Leyden113, and the famous portrait of the 93 year old bearded old man who became the model for his St. Jerome.

Hans Schwartz, portrait of Dürer, bronze medallion, 1520.

He met Erasmus at least three times, and sketched a wonderful portrait of him showing mutual complicity. Erasmus placed an order with him since the humanist needed a large number of portraits to send to his correspondents throughout Europe. As his diary indicates, Dürer sketched Erasmus several times in charcoal during these meetings and used them for an engraved portrait of him six years later.

After the death of his wife, Patinir married Johanna Noyts. On 5 May 1521, he invited Albrecht Dürer to his wedding. How and when that friendship started, or if it was just opportunistic, is not known. The master of Nuremberg sketched Patinir’s portrait and called him « der gute Landschaftsmaler » (« the good landscape painter »), creating a new word for what became a new genre.

At the wedding he meets Jan Provoosst (1465-1529), Jan Gossaert (of Mabuse) (1462-1533) and Bernard van Orley (1491-1542), some of them more attracted by the pomp of the court than by Erasmian humanism. But Provoost’s Death and the Miser (1515) is clearly inspired by Bosch.

Jan Provoost, Death and the Miser, c. 1515, Groeningenmuseum, Brugge.

One figure that could have mediated the encounters between intellectuals and craftsmen, was the poet, Latin teacher and philologist Grapheus, a collaborator of Erasmus printer Dirk Martens. In 1520, he became secretary to the city of Antwerp.

Printers and editors played a key role in the Renaissance as they where the key middlemen between intellectuals, erudites and scholars on the one side, and illustrators, engravers, painters and craftsmen on the other side.

As Dürer himself, he was attracted to the ideas of the Reformation of which they considered both Luther and Erasmus to be leading voices. What is known is that Grapheus bought Dürer a copy of Luther’s De Captivitate (On the Babylonian Captivity of the Church), at that time a must read for anyone having interest in the reform of the Church.

Just as Erasmus and many other humanists, Dürer is also said to have been the guest of Quinten Matsys in the latter’s fabulous house in the Schuttershofstraat, decorated with Italianate decorations (festoons of leaves, flowers or fruit) and decorative and symmetric motives of lines and figures.

An idealized representation of the Dürer-Matsys encounter (with Thomas More and Erasmus looking on) can be seen in a painting of Nicaise de Keyser (1813-1887) at the Royal Museum of Arts of Antwerp.

Another scene, an 1889 drawing by Godfried Guffens (1823-1901) shows the Antwerp Alderman Gerard van de Werve receiving Dürer presented to him by Quinten Matsys.

Durer and Matsys received by Alderman van de Werve in 1521 (painting by Godfried E. Guffens, Municipal Collection of Schaerbeek.)

When Charles V returned from Spain and visited Antwerp, Grapheus wrote a panegyric to welcome his return. But in 1522, he was arrested for heresy, taken to Brussels for interrogation and imprisonment. As a result, he lost his position as secretary. In 1523, he was released and returned to Antwerp, where he became a Latin teacher. In 1540, he was reinstated as secretary of the city of Antwerp.

Quentin Matsys’ own sister Catherine and her husband suffered at Leuven in 1543 for what had become the capital offense of reading the Bible since 1521: he being decapitated, she allegedly buried alive in the square before the church.

Because of their religious convictions, the Matsys children left Antwerp and went into exile in 1544. Cornelis ended his life somewhere abroad.

5. The Erasmus connection

In 1499, Thomas More and Erasmus met in London. Their initial meeting turned into a lifelong friendship as they continued to correspond on a regular basis during which time they worked collaboratively to translate into Latin and have printed some of the works of the Assyrian satirist, Lucian of Samosata (c. 125-180 AD), erroneously called « The Cynic. »

Erasmus translated Lucian’s satirical text De Mercede Conductis (The Dependant Scholar114 and had it send to his friend Jean Desmarais, a Latin teacher at the University of Louvain and a canon at Saint Peter’s Church in that city.

Lucian blasts scholars that sell their soul, mind and body to the ruling oligarchy:

In a real manifesto against voluntary servitude, Lucian goes after their personal corruption and the real reasons for their selling out:

It was through his meeting with Erasmus that Thomas More got introduced to Erasmus’ friend, Pieter Gillis, a fellow humanist and chief town secretary of Antwerp. It was Erasmus who suggested that Gillis meet Thomas More. The meeting took place in Antwerp in 1515, when More was sent on a diplomatic mission by King Henry VIII to settle some major international commercial disputes.

Gillis, who started as a seventeen year-old proofreader in Dirk Martens print shop in Leuven, met Erasmus in 1504. The humanist gave him the advice to study further and they kept in contact. Printer Martens had edited in Leuven several humanist’s books, most notably those of Denis the Carthusian and Rudolphus Agricola’s De inventione dialectica (1515) the higher-education manual most widely bought, and used in schools and universities throughout Europe.

Just as More and Erasmus, Gillis was an was an admirer of the latter’s teacher at the Deventer school of the Brothers of the Common Life, Agricola, a great pedagogue, musician, builder of church organs, a poet in Latin and the vernacular, a diplomat, a boxer and a Hebrew scholar towards the end of his life.

Gillis’ house in Antwerp was an important meeting place for humanists, diplomats and artists with international allure. Quinten Matsys is also a gladly seen guest. Gillis also recommended the painter Hans Holbein the Younger, who had illustrated Erasmus In Praise of Folly, to the court of England, where Thomas More received him delighted. His brother Ambrosius Holbein (1494-1519), would later illustrate Erasmus’ and More’s Utopia.

6. Thomas More’s Utopia

Pages of Utopia with the alphabet invented by Pieter Gillis.

Gillis shared with More and Erasmus a great sensitivity to justice, as well as a typically humanist sensibility devoted to the search for more established sources of truth.

As a matter of fact, he is best known as a character in Utopia, a famous book in whose first pages Thomas More presents him as a model of civility and a humanist who was both pleasant and seriousness:

Entrance of house Den Spieghel, Antwerp, where Pieter Gilles lived in 1505

Thomas More’s most famous composition was of course his two-volume work entitled Utopia. It is a depiction of a fictional island that was not ruled by an oligarchy as most western states and empires, but ruled on the basis of the ideas of the good and the just Plato formulated in his dialogue, the Republic.

While Erasmus’ In Praise of Folly called for a reform of the Catholic Church, Erasmus’ and More’s Utopia, satirizing the corruption, greed, cupidity and failings they saw all around them, called for the reform of the State and Economy.

The whole idea of the book came to Thomas More whilst he was staying at the Antwerp residence of Gillis, Den Spieghel, in 1515.

In the first volume, entitled Dialogue of Counsel, it begins with correspondence between More himself and others, including Pieter Gillis. On his return to England in 1516, the English humanist wrote the main part of the work and the first edition was completed and edited by Erasmus and published in Leuven.

The first edition contained a woodcut map map of the island of Utopia, verses by Gillis and the “Utopian alphabet” the latter invented for the occasion, verses of Geldenhouwer and Grapheus, completed with Thomas More’s epistle dedicating the work to Gillis.

Several years after More’s and Erasmus’ death, in 1541, Cornelius Grapheus, with Pieter Gilles, published his Enchiridio Principis Ac Magistratus Christiani.

7. Pieter Gillis and the “Friendship Diptych”

Besides triptychs and religious paintings, Matsys also excelled in portraits. One of the most beautiful works of Quinten Matsys is the double portrait of Erasmus and his friend Gillis, painted in 1517117. This friendship diptych would act as a “virtual” visit to their English friend Thomas More in London and they approached Quinten Matsys to carry out the two paintings as he was the leading Antwerp painter at that time.

Erasmus’ portrait was the first to be completed because the portrait of Gillis was constantly being delayed due to him falling ill during the sittings. The two men had told Thomas More about the paintings which may not have been a wise move as More constantly queried them as to the progress of the paintings and became very impatient to receive the gift. The two works were finally completed and were sent to More whilst he was in Calais.

Both learned educated men, although they are portrayed on separate panels, are presented in one continuous study area. Erasmus is busy writing and Pieter Gillis points to a book (not yet published) by the Humanist, the Antibarbari, while he holds a letter from More in his left hand. The presentation in a study room makes one think of presentations of St. Hieronymus study room, who with his bible translation is an example for all humanists and whose work Erasmus had just published.

If you look closely, in the folds of Erasmus’ cloak you can just make out a purse. It could be that Erasmus wanted the artist to include this in order to illustrate his generosity. Erasmus and Gillis made a point of informing Thomas More that they had split the cost of the painting because they wanted it to be a present from them both. If you look at the two paintings side by side then one can see that Matsys has cleverly continued the bookcase behind the two sitters and this gives the impression that the two men depicted in the two separate panels occupy the same room and are facing each other.

It is interesting to look at the books on the shelves in the background. On the upper shelf of the Erasmus painting there is a book which has the inscription Novum Testament which alludes to Novum Testamentum Graece, the first published edition of the Greek New Testament produced by Erasmus in 1516.

On the lower shelf there is a stack of three books. The bottom tome has the inscription Hieronymus which refers to Erasmus’s edition of St Jerome; in the middle, there is a book with the inscription Lucian and refers to Erasmus and Thomas More’s collaboration in translating Lucian’s satirical Dialogues. The inscription on the book on top of these three is the word Hor, which originally read Mor. The first letter was probably altered during an early restoration, for besides Mor being the first letters of Thomas More’s surname they almost certainly refer to the satirical essays written by Erasmus whilst staying with Thomas More in his London home in 1509 and entitled Encomium Moriae (Praise of Folly). This collection of essays was considered one of the most notable works of the Renaissance.

We see Erasmus writing in a book. This depiction has been carefully thought out for the words one sees on the page paper are a paraphrase of St Paul’s Epistle to the Romans, the handwriting is a careful replication of Erasmus’s own hand, and the reed pen he holds was known to be Erasmus’s favorite writing tool.

Thomas More let his pleasure about these portraits be known in many letters, the paintings being executed, « with such a great virtuosity that all painters from Antiquity pale in comparison », while confessing once he would have preferred his image carved in (far more immortal) stone.

8. The Da Vinci connection (I)

Several paintings clearly prove that Matsys and his circle had extensive knowledge and took some of their inspiration from some of Leonardo da Vinci’s paintings and drawings without necessarily fully comprehending its full and far ranging scientific and philosophical content.

Such is clearly the case in the Virgin and child (1513, Poznan, Poland), literally presenting in front of a Patinir style mountain landscape, the gracious loving pose of Mary embracing the Christ with the latter embracing the lamb, directly a copy of Da Vinci’s Saint Anna and the Virgin (1503-1517), one of the works Leonardo had brought to Amboise in France in 1517 and of which also Leonardo’s pupil Francesco Melzi made a copy/interpretation.

As said before, it is not known how this “form” came to the attention of the master, be it prints, drawings or other.

Quinten Matsys, The Lamentation of Christ (1508-1511), Antwerp.

A second example can be seen in The Lamentation of Christ (1508–1511), a vast triptych painted for the chapel of the Carpenter Corporation in the Cathedral of Our Lady in Antwerp (Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp). Both John the Baptist and John the Evangelist, which appear when the triptych is closed, were there patron saints.

The central scene of the open triptych, which is reminiscent of Rogier van der Weyden’s The Descent from the Cross (1435 Museo del Prado, Madrid), is supported by the landscape. The religious drama is considered in detail and harmoniously staged.

Détail of Saint-John (left) in tears.

At the same time, Matsys respects the great attachment of the believers to the narration and the description. If the scene is conducive of reflection and prayer. Matsys uses the science of contrast. If some of the figures, especially the oriental heads, could have been inspired by the many exotic faces the painter would have seen around him in the world trade hub that was Antwerp in his days, the graceful faces of those struck with pain and sorrow are extremely beautiful.

In the middle panel, we see not the suffering, but the lament after the suffering. It depicts the moment at which Joseph of Arimathea118 comes to ask the Virgin for her permission to bury Christ’s body. Behind the central action is the hill of Golgotha, with its few trees, the cross and the crucified thieves.

The left wing panel shows the martyrdom of John the Evangelist and Salome presenting John the Baptist’s head to the Roman Jewish Client King Herod the Great.119

The right hand panel is a scene of extraordinary cruelty, depicting St John, his body plunged into a cauldron of boiling oil. The saint, who is naked from the waist up, seems almost angelic, as if he were not suffering. Around him is a crowd of sadistic faces, ugly boors in garish clothes. The one exception to this rule is the figure of a young Flemish boy, maybe a representation of the painter himself, who is watching the scene from above in a tree.

Now the faces of those surrounding St John the Baptist and also the two main figures heating up the cauldron are directly taken or inspired by a drawing after Leonardo in the Royal Collection at Windsor Castle, labeled the Five Grotesque Heads.

Flemish irony and humor gave a great welcome to that of Leonardo!

In Leonardo’s case, the faces even seem as breaking up in hilarious laughter, when looking at each other and at the central figure with a crown on his head. The leaves of the crown are not those of laurels to celebrate poets and heroes, but leaves of an oak tree. At that time, the anti-humanist and war mongering pope was Julius II120, which Rabelais put in hell. Julius was a member of a powerful Italian noble family, the House of Della Rovere, literally “of the oak tree”…

Five grotesque heads, after Leonardo da Vinci, Royal Library, Windsor Castle.

D. The Science of Erasmian Grotesque

1. In religious painting

The use of grotesque heads expressing the low passions that overwhelm and dominate evil persons was common practice in religious paintings to create contrast of expression.

In 1505, Dürer went to Venice and also to the university city of Bologna to learn about perspective and then journeyed further south to Florence, where he saw some works of Leonardo and Raphael, and further south to Rome.

Christ Among Doctors, Dürer, Thyssen Bornemisza Collection, Madrid.

Christ Among the Doctors, 1506, was painted in Rome in five day’s time and reflects the influence of Leonardo’s grotesques. Dürer was back in Venice early in 1507 before returning to Nuremberg in the same year.

Christ carrying the Cross, after 1510, Hieronymus Bosch, Ghent.

Hieronymus Bosch’s Christ carrying the cross (after 1510, Ghent) is another famous example. Christ’s head is surrounded by a dynamic group of grotesque “tronies” or faces. Was Bosch inspired by Leonardo and Matsys, or was it the other way around?

While the composition may seem chaotic at first glance, its structure is actually very rigid and formal. Christ’s head is positioned precisely at the intersection of two diagonals. The beam of the cross forms one diagonal, with the figure of Simon of Cyrene helping carry the cross at the top left, and with the “bad” murderer to the bottom right.

The other diagonal connects the imprint of Christ’s face on Veronica’s sudarium at the bottom left with the penitent thief, at the top right. He is attacked by an evil charlatan or a Pharisee and an evil monk, a clear allusion by Bosch to the religious fanaticism of his era. The grotesque heads remind us of the masks that are often used in passion plays as well as of Leonardo’s caricatures.

By way of contrast, the softly modeled face of Christ is serene. He is the Suffering Christ, who has been abandoned by everyone and who shall triumph over all evil in the world. This representation ties in perfectly with the ideas of the Devotio Moderna.121

Quinten Matsys, Christ carrying the Cross, 1510-1515, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam.
Quinten Matsys, Ecce Homo, 1526, Venice.

Quinten Matsys, in his Ecce Homo’s (1526, Venice, Italy) cleary bases his work on the Bosch’s tradition.

2. Misers, bankers, tax collectors and money-changers, the fight against usury

The Purchase Agreement (1515, Berlin), Quinten Matsys. A good « deal » between bankers, lawyers, theologians and misers on the one side, and a fool on the other side, maybe a contract for an « indulgence »?

Directly relevant to Erasmus’ and More’s religious, philosophical, sociological and political critique, and certainly with some relevance for today, Matsys’ denunciation of usury and greed.

Marlier keenly sketches how usurers and speculators became dominant players of Antwerp’s economic life.

Under those circumstances, notes Marlier, with everybody over their neck into debt and in urgent need for cash, usurers found a fantastic market to prosper.

The Misers (and their victims) (1520, Galleria Doria Pamphilj, Rome), Quinten Matsys.

Abroad, the Fuggers and Welsers123 duly participated in the emerging trade of enslaved people from Africa.

Manillas used by the european bankers to buy slaves in Africa.

The Fuggers used their mines in Eastern Europe and Germany to produce manillas — metal objects of exchange that have gone down in history as a “slave trade currency” due to their use on the coasts of West Africa. The Welsers, in turn, attempted to establish a colony in what is now Venezuela (Spanish name derived from the Italian Venezziola, “little Venice”, which became Welserland) and shipped more than 1,000 enslaved Africans to America. Meanwhile, in the homes of prosperous Augsburg citizens, enslaved people from India were forced to toil for their “masters”.

Carl Ludwig Friedrich Becker, Anton Fugger burns Charles V’s debt titles, 1866.

According to the official Fugger family website, the story that Anton Fugger threw his promissary notes into the fire in 1530, in front of Charles V, in order to generously waive repayment of loans, is pure fiction. But he did grant the new emperor a proverbial “haircut”. In exchange Charles V abandoned his plans for an “imperial monopoly law” that would have massively curtailed the scope of action of the banking and trading houses in the Holy Roman Empire.

According to Fugger researcher Richard Ehrenberg, the story about Anton didn’t emerge until the late 17th century, presumably to demonstrate his loyalty to the Emperor. 124

Thomas More and Erasmus expose and sharply condemn the rise of predatory and criminal financial abuse in their book Utopia. Erasmus, while not refusing the rise of modern entrepreneurial capitalism, denounces the abuses of financial greed.

Civil servants, he argued in his Education of a Christian Prince written for Charles V, should be recruited on the basis of their competence and merit, and not because of their glorious name or social status.

For Erasmus, (speaking through the mouth of Folly):

Quinten Massys, Tax Collectors, late 1520s, oil on panel, 86 x 71 cm.
Liechtenstein Collection, Vaduz.

One can, as Silver argues, on the basis of what’s written in the records and the fact that tax collection was outsourced to private individuals, rebrand Quinten Matsys’ painting, often referred to as The Misers, as the more « factually exact » name of Tax Collectors. However, that doesn’t change the fact the subject is precisely what exposes an old Netherlandish proverb of the period:

While the municipal financial officer on the left seems « reasonable » since his face is not “grotesque”, the man sitting behind, in a strange turn of his arm protecting a leather purse, shows the grotesque, ugly face of greed, justified by what he declared and was noted in the records. The complicity between both men is the real ugliness of the story.

Money-changers, admits Silver, often performed the same role as bankers, citing economic historian Raymond de Roover. Moreover, the unrepresented fourth scoundrel, the miller (a target in Bosch’s and Bruegel’s paintings), was often castigated because grain prices became a chronic sore spot in eras of fluctuating commodity prices, as was true in just this period.

Considering the fact that financial looting became dominant after the 1520s, such denunciations of financial greed could not but become very popular. The satirical subject was taken up almost immediately by the painter’s son Jan Matsys (1510-1575), copied close to identically by Marinus van Reymerswaele (1490-1546) and by Jan Sanders van Hemessen (1500-1566).

Quinten Matsys, The Money Changer and His Wife, 1514, Louvre, Paris.
Jacob Fugger (the Rich), by Lorenzo Lotto.

In a more “civilized” version of this metaphor, starting from the same theme, there is Matsys’ famous Banker (or Money Changer) and His Wife (1514, Louvre, Paris). 127

In a chapter of his opus majus Flemish Primitives entitled The Heirs of the Founders, Erwin Panofsky considers Matsys’ The Money Changer and his Wife to be a “reconstruction” of a “lost work by Jan van Eyck (a ‘painting with half-body figures, depicting a boss doing his accounts with his employee’), which Marcantonio Michiel claims to have seen in the Casa Lampugnano in Milan.” 128

Once again, it is not a double portrait of a banker of his wife, but a moralizing metaphor. While the banker, who has attached his prayer beads on the wall behind him, is cross-checking if the weight of the metal of the coins correspond to their nominal value, his wife, turning the pages of a religious hour book, throws a sad look at the greedy obsessions of her visibly unhappy husband.

The banker has, besides the scales he’s using, attached a pair of them to the wall behind him. For the Christian Humanists, the weight of material wealth is the opposite of that of spiritual richness.

In Van der Weyden’s Last Judgment in Beaune, France, the painter ironically shows an angel weighing the resurrected souls, sending the heaviest of them… to hell.

Others speculate the banker’s wife is not completely unaffected by all the coins on the table but the attention of her eyes goes more to the hands of her husband than to the objects on the table. Piety or the pleasure of wealth? A fruit on the shelve (apple of orange), juste above her husband, might be a reference to the forbidden fruit but the estinguished candle on the shelve behind herself recalls the shortness of earthly pleasures.

Tax collector and his wife (1539, Prado, Madrid), Marinus van Reymerswaele.

When Marinus van Reymerswaele copies this theme, the woman’s temptation for the money on the table seems even bigger.

Detail with convexe mirror.

The convex mirror130 (who disappears in the copies made by Matsys’ followers), operating as a “mise en abîme” (a play in the play or a painting in a painting), shows a man (the banker?), reading himself a (religious?) book. The mirror does not necesseraly shows some existing real space but can very will represent an imaginary time sequence outside that of the space-time of the main scene. It might show the banker in his future life, free from greed, reading a religious book with great fervor.

While the use of image of convex mirrors (whose optical laws were examined in depth by arab scientists such as Ibn al-Haytam and studied by Franciscans at Oxford131 such as Roger Bacon) reminds both Van Eyck’s Arnolfini couple (National Gallery, London)132 and Petrus Christus (1410-1475) Goldsmith in his workshop or Saint Eligius (1449, Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York), with a couple standing behind133, Matsys’ painting, is a unique creation of its kind.

In terms of content, the painting could also be related to a common theme at that period, namely The Calling of Saint Matthew.134

The above passage is probably autobiographical in that it describes the Matthew’s call to follow Jesus as an apostle. As we know, St. Matthew responded positively to Jesus’ call and became one of the Twelve Apostles.

The Calling of Saint-Matthew (1536, Alte Pincacoteca, Munich), Jan van Hemessen.

According to the Gospel, Matthew’s name was originally Levi, a tax collector serving Herod and therefore not very popular. The Romans forced the Jewish people to pay taxes. Tax collectors were known to cheat the people by charging more than required and pocketing the difference. Of course, once Levi accepted the call to follow Jesus, he was pardoned and given the name Matthew, meaning “Yahweh’s gift.”

The Calling of Matthew (1530, Thyssen Bornemisza, Madrid), Marinus van Reymerswaele.

This theme of course could not but have pleased Erasmus, since it doesn’t insist on punishment but on positive transformation for the better. Both Marinus van Reymerswaele (in 1530) and Jan van Hemessen (in 1536), who copied and were inspired by Matsys, took up the subject as The calling of Saint-Matthew showing Jesus (on the right) calling on a tax collector to abandon his profession. In Van Hemessen’s painting we also see, just as in Matsys’ work, the wife of the tax-collector standing in front, also with her hand on an open book.

The good news is that, till now, the most generally accepted hypothesis as to the meaning of this painting is that it is an allegorical and moralizing work, on the theme of the vanity of earthly goods in opposition to timeless Christian values, and a denunciation of avarice as a cardinal sin.

3. The Da Vinci connection (II)

After Leonardo da Vinci, five grotesque heads, around 1494, Windsor collection.
Quiten Matsys, détail of the right panel of Lamentation, 1508-1511, Antwerp Politically, to be noted, the Habsburg double-eagle Imperial flag waved by those executing Saint-John…

To sum it up, so far three elements of Matsys’ work have enabled us to establish his deep links with Italy and Leonardo.

1. His expertise knowledge of perspective, in particular that of Piero della Francesca, as demonstrated by the Italian-style marble vault appearing in the Altarpiece of Saint Anne (Antwerp). 135

2. His use of Leonardo’s « five grotesque heads, » on the right panel of the same Altarpiece of Saint Anne (Antwerp).

3. His reworking of the Virgin’s pose from Leonardo’s The Virgin and Child with Saint Anne (Louvre, Paris), in his Virgin and Child at the Poznan Museum.

How this influence came about remains to be elucidated. Several hypotheses,
which may complement each other, are possible:

1. At an early age, he traveled to Italy (Milan, Venice, etc.), where he may have established direct contact with Leonardo, or with one or more of his pupils. Philippe d’Aarschot, wrote that « Without ever having set foot in Itlie, Matsys was influenced by Leonardo da Vinci. Isn’t his Magdalena a northern answer to Da Vinci’s Gioconda? »136 Also Holbein the Younger, is thought to have mad such a trip and considered by some as strongly influenced by Leonardo in certain of his compositions.137

2. He was able to exchange ideas and prints with other artists who had made such trips
and had established contacts in Italy. Whether Dürer, who had his own contacts in Italy, might have acted as an intermediary is another hypothesis to be explored. Some of Dürer’s anatomical drawings are said to have been made after Leonardo. Jacopo de’ Barbari had painted a portrait of Luca Pacioli, the Franciscan friar who had helped Leonardo to read Euclid in Greek. Dürer had met Barbari in Nuremberg, but, as we saw above, their relationship soured.

Anatomical study (2017; Dresden notebooks) by Dürer, based on Leonardo.
Probable portrait of the young Leonardo, Verrocchio’s study for his David.

3. He was able to see reproductions made and distributed by Italian and northern artists. Although the original drawings and manuscripts were copied and sold by Melzi, Leonardo’s pupil, after his master’s death in Amboise in 1519, Leonardo’s influence on Matsys appeared as early as 1507.

Leonardo’s work captivated the attention of many in Europe. For example, a life-size replica of Leonardo’s Last Supper fresco was purchased in 1545 by the Norbertine Abbey in Tongerlo, Belgium. Andrea Solario (1460-1524), a pupil of Leonardo da Vinci, is said to have created the work with other artists. Recent research suggests that Leonardo may have painted parts of the replica himself.

Professor Jean-Pierre Isbouts and a team of scientists from the Imec research institute examined the canvas using multispectral cameras, which can reconstruct the different layers of a painting and distinguish restorations from the original. According to the researchers, one figure in particular catches the eye. John, the apostle to Jesus’ left, is painted using a special “sfumato” technique. This is the same technique used to paint the Mona Lisa, and one that only Leonardo mastered, says Isbouts.

Similarly, Joos Van Cleve, in the lower part of his Lamentation (1520-1525), repeats the composition of Leonardo’s Last Supper, showing that the image was known to most northern painters.

Moreover, as Silver keenly points out, one of those same heads, a near-profile but reversed from its Leonardo model (the head on the left), reappears for the lustful old man in Matsys’ later “Ill-Matched Lovers » !

The fact that it appears as a mirror image might be the result of Matsys working from a print. The engraver copies the « positive » image, but whet it is prited it appears as « negative ». In other words, as a mirror image of the original.

But also a study by Leonardo of a (not grotesque) head of an Apostle for the Last Supper, shows features close to those used by Matsys.

A life-sized replica of Leonardo’s Last Supper fresco, has been owned since 1545 by the Norbertijnen abbey in Tongerlo. Andrea Solario (1460-1524) a student of Da Vinci, would have created the work with fellow artists.

However, according to recent research, it seems that Da Vinci painted parts of the replica himself.138 Professor Jean-Pierre Isbouts, together with a team of scientists from Imec research institute, went over the canvas with multispectral cameras, that can reconstruct the different layers in a painting, and distinguish the restorations from the original.

One figure specifically catches the eye, according to Isbouts. John, the apostle on Jesus’ left side is painted with the special ‘sfumato’ technique. This is the same technique used to paint the Mona Lisa, and Da Vinci himself was the only artist that had mastered it, claims Isbouts.

Life-size replica of Leonardo’s Last Supper fresco, done before the master’s death, belonging to the Abbey of Tongerlo in Belgium since 1545.

Also Joos Van Cleve, in the lower section of his Lamentation (1520-1525), bases himself on Leonardo’s Last Supper, showing clearly the image was well-known to most painters in the North.

4. The Art of Grotesque per se

Da Vinci’s work on “grotesque heads” dates at least from the early Milan period (1490s) and later when he started looking for a model to paint “Judas” in the Last Supper fresco (1495-1498). Leonardo reportedly used the likenesses of people in and around Milan as inspiration for the painting’s figures. When the painting was nearly finished, Leonardo still was lacking a model for Judas. It’s said that he loitered around jails and with Milanese criminals to find an appropriate face and expression for Judas, the fourth figure from the left and the apostle who ultimately betrayed Jesus. He advised artists to always carry a notebook to draw people around town, “quarreling or laughing or fighting”. He took note of outlandish faces on the piazza, because in another note recommending sketching strangers, he adds:

When the convent’s prior complained to Ludovico Sforza of Leonardo’s « laziness » as he wandered the streets to find a criminal to base Judas on, Leonardo responded that if he could find no one else, the prior would make a suitable model… While the painting was being executed, Leonardo’s friend, the mathematician Luca Pacioli, was around and in contact with the master.

For the Italian scientist, always keen to explore the dynamic of contrasts of nature, exploring the ugly was not only a game but inherent to the role of the artist:

Leonardo and other humanists questioned the relationship between inner beauty (virtue) and outer, physical beauty. On the back of the master’s portrait of Genivra de’ Benci‘s (Washington DC), you can see a banner with the Latin text Virtutem forma decorat (Beauty adorns virtue). And so, conversely, they wondered how someone’s ugliness could be an expression of his vice.

From her side, Italian scholar Sara Taglialagamba139thinks that the grotesque, being abnormal or “out of norm”, in the works of Leonardo is conceived as “the opposite of balance and harmony” but “not to oppose beauty.”

The deformities that connote Leonardo’s figures affect both men and women, are present in the young and the old (although on the latter they are concentrated for the most part), spare no portion of the body, and are often combined to give the subjects even more bestial appearances.

Geometry of Human Proportions

From his side, Dürer, now accused of « racial profiling » took very seriously the issue of understanding human proportions, considered, especially with the discovery of Vitruvius book De Architectura, as to offer the key to the right proportions for human architecture and urban planning. According to Vitruvius,

Dürer therefore measured all parts of the human body to establish harmonic relations among them. The variations in the proportions of faces and bodies, he concluded, obey the variations generated by geometric projections. They don’t change in terms of harmony but will appear different and even grotesque when projected from a different angle.

Both Leonardo and Dürer, and later Holbein the Younger in his painting The Ambassadors (1533, National Gallery, London), became masters in the science of “anamorphoses”, I.e. geometrical projections from tangent angles making an image hardly recognizable for the viewer looking straight to the plane surface while the image can be understood when viewed from that surprising angle.

Having such masters of “serious” beautiful forms as Leonardo or Matsys suddenly engaging in outrageous cartoon drawing may look disturbing, while it should not. All cartoons are based on metaphorical thinking and so is all great art.

Renaissance art is often assumed to be orderly and reassuring but these faces succeed the uncompromising polemics of the gargoyles of the cathedral builders, the “monsters” in the margin of so many illuminated manuscripts that Bosch invited on the forefront and anticipate those of Rabelais, Goya and Ensor. 141

They are so distorted and out of the habitual norm that they get the label “grotesque” but they also make us smile when we, reluctantly and even with some anger, accept to look down on our own imperfections or those of our beloved we prefer not to see. We are not the icons we take for real that we see in the magazines.

In Erasmus’ Praise of Folly, the narrator (Folly personified), first identifies, among many other accomplishments, its own leading role in making things work that with pure logic, reason and intellect would fail, such as the ridiculous acts required to achieve human reproduction.

Hence, says Folly, “if all were thus wise you see how soon the world would be depopulated, and what need there would be of a second Prometheus, to plaster up the decayed image of mankind?”

Folly, with satirical irony, claims it is doing a great job helping especially older people to refuse dying off like animals:

5. The metaphor of the “Ill-matched Lovers”

Quinten Matsys, The Ill-matched Lovers

If Erasmus will blast with biting irony the corruption and madness of the Kings, Popes, Dukes and Princes, he will also expose with uncompromising irony the corruption affecting the common man, for example older men dropping their spouses to hook up with younger women, a practice, says Folly, “grown so common, that it is become the a-la-mode of the times.”

The pairing of unequal couples has a literary history dating back to antiquity when Plautus, a Roman comic poet from the 3rd–century BC, cautioned elderly men against courting younger ladies.

The « grotesque marriage » comes straight from the satirical literature, such as the above mentioned Ship of Fools (1494) of Sebastian Brant, which in its 52nd chapter tackles the « marriage-for-money » theme.

Besides In Praise of Folly, Erasmus Erasmus dedicated in 1529 a colloquium 143 to this theme titled The Unequal Marriage.

This Erasmian theme of the “Ill-matched Lovers,” became quite popular. According to art historian Max J. Friedlander 144, Matsys was the first to propagate this theme in the Low Countries.

Matsys depicts this theme by showing an older man besotted by a younger, beautiful woman. He gazes at her adoringly, not noticing that she is stealing his purse. In reality, the grotesque ugliness of the man, blinded by his lust for the young woman, corresponds to the ugliness of his soul. She, blinded by her greed, appears superficially as a “nice” girl, but in reality is abusing the naive fool. But the viewer rapidly finds out that the money she steals from the old fool, goes directly in the hands of the jester standing behind her and whose face expresses a combination of both lust and greed. In final analysis, that’s the moral, all the gain goes neither to him nor to her, but to foolishness itself (The Jester). A situation reminiscent of Bosch’s 1502 painting The Conjurer and philosophically, the central theme of Erasmus’ In Praise of Folly (At the end of the day, it is she that rules the world !).

Matsys’ painting raises the issue of “Mutually Assured Corruption,” where, just as in geopolitics, both sides think they are winning at the expense of the other in a zero sum game. From that standpoint, the “moralistic” lesson here goes far beyond simple cheating among partners.

As said before, what were considered so far as “sins” (lust and greed) by the Church, became a subject of laughter for the humanist with the painting offering a “mirror” allowing viewers to self-reflect and to improve their own character.

Albrecht Dürer, The Ill-Matched Couple, Metropolitan Museum, New York.

The theme already appears in a copper engraving of Dürer in 1495, with the girl offering her hand to channel money from his purse into her own.

Old Man and a Young Woman, 1503, Jacopo de Barbari, Philadelphia.

And in 1503, Jacopo Barbari painted a similar subject, An old man and a young woman. (Philadelphia)

Cranach the Elder (1472-1553), who made a trip to Antwerp in 1508145, and was visibly inspired by the Leonardo style grotesques of Matsys, started mass producing paintings on this theme (including the use of Matsys reworked grotesque of Leonardo!), clearly answering the growing demand of protestant Germany, a production continued by his son Cranach the Younger (1515-1586).146

Cranach will make variations on the theme, often reducing the theme to only “lust” leaving “greed” (money grabbing) out of the picture.

Of course, the uglier and the older the man, and the younger and the more beautiful the lady, the more the resulting contrast creates an emotional impact by underscoring the shocking character of the event. Cranach will playfully inverse roles and show an old woman with her maid, seducing a handsome young gentleman.

The Ill-Matched Lovers, Jan Massys, National Museum, Stockholm, Sweden.

Quinten Matsys’ son, Jan Matsys (1510-1575), will do his own variation on the theme, adding a new social dimension, that of poor families using their daughters as bait to trap older rich gentlemen whose wealth and money will allow the family to have a living, a theme also Goya took up.

Already in one of Cranach’s versions, the rich man has in front of him a loaf of bread on the table. But what strikes in Jan’s version, is the mother, standing behind the old foolish man, staring at the bread and the fruits on the table. If the greed and the lust remain real, Jan points to a given context which cannot simply be laughed away.

Among the many other artists that painted this theme one has to note Hans Baldung Grien (1485-1545), Christian Richter (1587-1667) and Wolfgang Krodel the Elder (1500-1561).

None of them reproduced completely the pun crafted by Matsys and most loyal to the real spirit of Erasmus, that of foolishness coming out on top winning the game, a truly laughable situation ! The Triumph of Folly!

Also here, for the face of the old foolish man, Matsys was influenced by sketches of grotesque heads by Leonardo.

6. Leonardo’s baby, the “Ugly Duchess

The Ugly Duchess (on the left), Quinten Matsys, National Gallery, London.
The old man (on the right), Quinten Matsys, Musée Jacquemart André, Paris.

This allows us now to introduce maybe the most outrageous painting ever made, alternatively called the Old ugly woman or The ugly Duchess. Oceans of ink have been thrown on paper to speculate on her identity, her “disease” (Paget’s disease), her “gender”, most of the time to turn the eye of the viewer to a literal, “fact-based” explanation rather than enjoying and discovering the “mental” metaphor the artist paints, not on the panel, but in the mind of the viewer.

The painting has to be analyzed and understood with its pendant – an accompanying painting – which depicts an old man whose attention she solicits. In a surprise move, as a first approach, one can say that Matsys inverts the common gender roles here, since what we see is not an old man trying to seduce the girl, but an old woman trying to attract a rich old man.

–First, there is the old lady, whose physical state is ultimate decrepitude, who desperately tries to seduce an old rich man. Just as Domenico Ghirlandaio’s Old man and young boy (1490, Louvre, Paris), the person’s outside appearance prompts the audience to consider the relationship between internal and external beauty.

Once again, the obvious literary influence is Erasmus’s essay In Praise of Folly (1511), which satirizes women who « still play the coquette », « cannot tear themselves away from their mirrors » and « do not hesitate to exhibit their repulsive withered breasts. »148

The woman’s clothes are rich. She is dressed to impress, including bulbous headgear that heightens her unusual features. Defying the modesty expected from older women during the Renaissance, she is wearing a low-cut, uncovered, and tightly laced bodice that emphasizes her wrinkly cleavage.

Jan Van Eyck, portrait of his wife, Margaret. National Gallery, London.

Her hair is concealed in the horns of a heart-shaped bonnet, over which she has placed a white veil, secured by a large, bejeweled brooch. However fine her attire, by the time this panel was painted in the early sixteenth century her clothes would have been many decades out of date, reminding those of Van Eyck’s portrait of his wife Margaret a century earlier, prompting laughter rather than admiration.

Her headdress had by then become an iconographic shorthand for female vanity, its horns compared to those of the devil or at best those indicating she was betrayed by her lovers (cornuto). She appears to be selling herself on her looks, for she holds a flower, often an advert for sex work in Renaissance art. It was in the tragic fate of the rose that the flight of time, and with its physical decay, found its most alarming illustration. Whether fresh or fragile, the rose, while calling for immediate pleasure, seems to protest that death is just around the corner.

Margarete Maultasch, fresco, Runkelstein Castle, Germany.

To identify the woman, several names are put forward. In the seventeenth century, the painting was misidentified as a portrait of Margarete Maultasch (1318-1369), who, having separated from her first husband Jean Henri de Luxembourg, remarried Louis 1er, Margrave of Brandenburg, after a thousand and one twists and turns, culminating in the couple’s excommunication by Clement VI. A complicated story in turbulent times, which earned Margarete the nickname “mouth-bag” (big mouth), or “prostitute” in Bavarian dialect. The problem is that other portraits of Margarete are known to exist, in which she appears most comely…

Defamed as the “ugliest woman in history,” she gained the nickname “The Ugly Duchess,.” In the Victorian era, this picture (or one of its many versions) inspired John Tenniel’s depiction of the Duchess in his illustrations of Lewis Carroll’s Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland (1865). This entrenched the moniker and turned this figure into an icon for generations of readers.

The old man saying yes, no, or not now? Quinten Matsys, 1517, Musée Jacquemart-André.

–Second, The old Man, whose fur-trimmed robe and visible gold rings, while not as demonstrably archaic or absurd as the costume of the Woman, nonetheless suggest conspicuous wealth, and his distinctive profile echoes the familiar profile of Europe’s leading merchant-banker of the fifteenth century, the late Cosimo de’ Medici of Florence.

After having played a key role as a patron of the arts and a backer of the Renaissance and the Council of Florence, became quite a disgusting figure. It has to be noted that in 1513 the warrior pope Julius II, a strong enemy of Erasmus, died and Giovanni di Lorenzo de’ Medici became pope Leo X.

The figure has also been compared to the lost portraits of the early fifteenth century of Duke Philip the Bold of Burgundy.

Jacob Fugger.

But if one takes a second look, and forgets the woman’s breasts, the viewer realizes that her face is that… of an ugly man. Maybe the whole undertaking was a political statement and the faces were those of real people whose identity we’ve not yet discovered. They might be some hated politicians or theologians of those days, selling out one to the other in an elan of greed and lust. Maybe the old ugly prostitute was a reference to fugger banker Jacob the Rich, the eternal bankroller of the increasingly bankrupt Vatican ? For the moment, let’s accept we just don’t know.

The Bohemian artist Wenceslaus Hollar (1607-1677) saw Matsys double portrait and made in 1645 an engraving of it, adding the title “King and Queen of Tunis, invented by Leonardo da Vinci, executed by Hollar.”

King and Queen of Tunis, invented by Leonardo da Vinci, executed by Hollar, engraving from Wenceslaus Hollar, 1645, Metropolitan Museum, New York.

In periods of carnival, when people were allowed to do away with the rules of society for a couple of days, at least in the Low Countries and the Northern Rhine area, people had a lot of fun by shifting roles. Putting things upside down, poor peasants could dress up as rich merchants, laymen as clergymen, thieves as policemen, male as female and one and all the other way around.

The original concept of this metaphor seems to have come from Leonardo, who made a tiny sketch of an ugly woman, eventually a prostitute, remarkably with the horn bonnet and a tiny flower planted between her breasts, exactly the same attributes, metaphors and symbols employed later by Matsys in his work.

Old grotesque woman, National Gallery, Washington.
Francesco Melzi after Leonardo da Vinci, Two Grotesque Heads, 1510s? National Gallery, Washington.
Copy after Leonardo da Vinci, possibly by Francesco Melzi, Harvard Art Museum.

Leonardo’s pupil Melzi and other students or followers, as they did with many other of Leonardo’s sketches, seem to have copied Leonardo’s work and, amused, counter-posed the horny woman with a greedy, wealthy Florentine merchant. Did Melzi share or sell his sketches to others?

Leonardo da Vinci, Uffizi Gallery, Florence.
Leonardo da Vinci for some, Francesco Melzi for others. Gallerie dell’Accademia, Venice.

Various amusing versions of the theme are scattered around the world and figure in private and pubic collections.

Another sketch, either by Leonardo himself of his followers, shows a wild grotesque man with his hair raising up his head, with a series of grotesque looking scholars, including one looking like Dante!

Leonardo, of course, who always signed his writings with the words “man without letters,” (omo sanza lettere)149 was a mere craftsman and never taken serious by those scholars Lucian exposed for having sold out to the establishment.

All these elements that what Matsys did was nothing “bizarre” or “extravagant,” but as someone sharing a “culture” of grotesque faces whose variations could be used to express the metaphorical puns of the humanist culture.

But of course, what made his old man and woman impact so huge, was the fact that what for Leonardo were nothing but rapid sketches in a notebook, became with Matsys life-size frighteningly hyper-realistic representations!

In the Queen’s Windsor Collection, there exists a red chalk drawing of the woman nearly exactly as she appears in Matsys work.

Francesco Melzi or another pupil of Leonardo da Vinci, done after original from Quinten Matsys, Royal Collection, Windsor.

Untill very recently, historians were convinced that Quentin Matsys had “copied” this drawing of around 1490 attributed to Leonardo which he enlarged to produce his oil painting.150 “So Leonardo designed this unique person, even to the wrinkled bosom emerging from her dress. All Matsys did was enlarge her in oils,” it is said.

However, recent research suggests it could have been the other way around! Either Melzi, or Leonardo himself, could have made the red chalk drawing starting from Matsys painting, either from a direct view, prints or reproductions. An Italian copying a Flemish painter, can you imagine?

Leading expert Susan Foister, Deputy Director and Curator of Early Netherlandish, German and British Painting at The National Gallery, London, who was also the curator of the museum’s 2008 exhibit “Renaissance Faces: Van Eyck to Titian,” told The Guardian at that time :

Foister said they had discovered that Matsys made amendments as he went along, suggesting he was creating the image all by himself rather than copying a model. Also, in the two Leonardo copies, the forms of the body and clothes are oversimplified and the woman’s left eye is not in its socket. « It was always assumed that a lesser known northern European artist would have copied Leonardo and it has not really been thought that it could have been the other way round, » 152 said Foister.

She added that both artists were known to be interested in ugliness and exchanged drawings « but credit for this masterful work belongs to Matsys ».153

7. Liefrinck and Cock

In his commentary, Jan Muylle154 gives interesting information about the work of Antwerp woodcarver-engraver and print publisher Hans Liefrinck (c. 1518-1573). Liefrinck produced the second state of Pieter Bruegel’s drawings The Fat Kitchen and The Thin Kitchen, among others, and collaborated in Antwerp with master printer Christophe Plantin.

He also produced four little-known copper engravings of grotesque heads borrowed from drawings by or after Leonardo da Vinci.

Hans Liefrinck, copperplate engraving, date unknown.

The captions and epigrams on the engravings by Liefrinck and de Cock, continues Muylle, « also provide a valuable aid to interpretation. This is a representative body of work, which is most welcome. »

Hans Liefrinck, copperplate engraving. The epigram reads: “Sordida, deformis sic est coniuncta marito Foemina, quo quaerat quisque sibi similem”. (The ugly woman is as deformed as her husband. This shows that everyone seeks his likeness).

In the cartouche of Liefrinck’s second legend, we read something that Leonardo was not far from thinking: Deformes, bone spectator, ne despice vultus. Sic natura homines sic variare solet. (Dear spectator, don’t despise these deformed faces. This is how nature usually makes men differ from one another).

Hieronymus Cock (c. 1510-1570) also uses the grotesque imagery of the “Ill-matched Couple” (unequal love). Cock’s plate is thought to be a copy of a work by the Italian engraver Agostino Veniziano (1490-1550). Veniziano’s epigram is typical of Venetian “humor”.

It moves from the grotesque to the burlesque: “Chi non ci vol veder si cavi gli occhi” (He who doesn’t want to see us, gouge out his eyes). It’s not clear which version was produced first. Both artists abandon the original theme, but the jester (Folly) who triumphs behind it is a legacy of Matsys and Erasmus.

What is clear is that the epigram at the bottom of Cock’s engraving is far more in the humanist spirit:

The captions in Liefrinck’s and Cock’s engravings are clearly more in line with Erasmus’ humanism and Da Vinci’s vision of mankind.

E. Conclusion

The work of Quinten Matsys and his visual dialogue with the work of Leonard da Vinci provides us with clear evidence that the Low Countries did not hermetically seal themselves off from the influence of the Italian Renaissance. Rather, in these regions people chose what they saw as an added value to our national culture: the love of God, beauty and man of Petrarch, the science of perspective of Piero della Francesca, the hilarious tronies of Leonardo da Vinci. All this found much attention and admiration in the Low Countries. This was not the land of backward peasants without culture as was sometimes claimed in aristocratic circles who understood nothing at all of Bruegel’s deeper message.

Culturally speaking, one has to admit that unfortunately, the “Seven Deadly Sins” that More and Erasmus tried to contain five centuries ago have become the axiomatic “values” of today’s “Western” society!

Yet they are the very opposite of the universal human values shared by the vast majority of humanity, whether philosophically, religiously, agnostically, progressively or conservatively.

“Freedom” was decoupled from « necessity; » « individual rights » decoupled from « civil duties. » Anything goes. Lust, envy, greed, laziness, gluttony, avarice, greed, anger, violence, cruelty, addiction, etc. are portrayed in a positive light and promoted on television and the Internet on a daily basis, including for low age children. All this is allowed and even encouraged, as long as it does not call into question the privileges of the dominant power structures.

Erasmus would turn around in his grave if he knew that his name is mainly associated with a scholarship offered by the EU for pupils willing to study in other EU member states. As a Belgian professor has suggested, such scholarships should include a mandatory training period in Erasmus’ thoughts and especially his advanced concepts of peace building155.

Mobilizing Reason alone is not enough. Without humor, the Renaissance, with its unprecedented explosion of discoveries and inventions in science, art and society, would never have occurred. Humor is a catalyst for creativity. As some contemporary Chinese scientists put it: “Effective Ha-ha helps people to A-Ha”. 156

Humor itself is a creative act because creativity, like humor, arouses surprise by breaking certain frames. Both involve establishing non-obvious links between incongruous elements. And what is a joke, if it is not a combination of different and/or contrasting ideas that create an irony, a discrepancy, disobeying conventional expectations. Humor brings awareness of the incongruity between two elements. And the ability to switch from one element to another is a cognitive process identified as enhancing creativity. In other words, humor changes the way we think and facilitates an unexpected way of thinking, like the “thought experience” that prompted Einstein imagining himself “riding a beam” of light.

By developing our sense of humor, we develop a new ability to understand problems from different angles, and this type of thinking leads to greater creativity. Tackling problems in a linear and traditional way provides conventional, if not trivial, solutions. However, as Albert Einstein suggested: “In order to stimulate creativity, one must develop a childish inclination for play.”

And man’s “instinct for play”, as Friedrich Schiller underscores in his On the Aesthetic Education of Man in a Series of Letters (1795), as the first encounter with an absence of constraints, serves a broader project of human progress, in which the freedom necessary for men to govern themselves adequately is exercised through the interplay of faculties that occur during aesthetic experience. In sum, the development of man’s “instinct for play” and humor, are essential for creativity and art, including the art of statecraft.

In short, to make a new renaissance a reality, we have to liberate our fellow citizens from Angst (Fear). While unaware about such real dangers as nuclear war, they live in fear of threats they have been brought to imagine.

For those like us longing for peace, time has come to take Erasmus’, Leonardo’s and Matsys’ vision of good “cathartic laughter,” very, very, very seriously.

Jan Massys, Rebus. Phaebus Foundation.

I end here with a painting of Matsys’s son, Jan, presenting the following rebus:

« D » stands for « The »; the globe stands for the « World »; the foot, in flemish « voet », means also « feeds », and the « vedel » (Vielle, ancestor of the violin) also means « many », following by two happy fools. The phrase therefore reads: « The World Feeds Many Happy Fools! » And you are one of them! But don’t tell! Mondeken Toe!

Selected biography

  • ACCATINO, (date ?)
    Sandra Accatino, Quentin Massys, Anciana grotesca o La duquesa fea, in « El Arte del Mirar », Academia.edu.
  • AGRICOLA, 2016
    Rudolf Agricola, Brieven, Levens en Lof, Uitgeverij Wereldbibliotheek, Amsterdam.
  • AINSWORTH, MARTENS, 1995
    Maryan W. Ainsworth, Maximiliaan P. J. Martens, Petrus Christus, Ludion and Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gent-New York.
  • ALBERTI, 1435
    Leon Baptitta Alberti, De Pictura, Macula Dédale, 1992, Paris.
  • ANOUILH, 1987
    Jean Anouilh, Thomas More ou l’Homme libre, Editions de la Table ronde, Paris.
  • ANTOINE-KÖNIG, POGAM, 2024
    Elisabeth Antoine-König, Pierre-Yves Le Pogam. Figures du Fou. Du Moyen Âge aux Romantiques, Musée du Louvre, Gallimard, Paris.
  • ARASSE, 1997
    Daniel Arasse, Léonard de Vinci, Hazan, Paris.
  • BAKKER, 2004
    Boudewijn Bakker, Landschap en Wereldbeeld, van Van Eyck tot Rembrandt, Uitgeverij Thoth, Bussem.
  • BATAILLON, 1998
    Marcel Bataillon, Erasme et l’Espagne, Droz, Genève.
  • BAX, 1978
    Dirk Bax, Bosch, his picture-writing deciphered, A.A.Balkema, Rotterdam.
  • BIALOSTOCKI, 1993
    Jan Bialostocki, L’Art du XVe siècle des Parler à Dürer, Librairie générale française, Paris.
  • BLOCH, 2016
    Amy R. Bloch, Lorenzo Ghiberti’s Gates of Paradise: Humanism, History, and Artistic Philosophy in the Italian Renaissance, Cambridge University Press.
  • BORCHERT, 2010
    Till-Holger Borchert, Cranach der Ältere und die Niederlande, in DIe Welt von Lucas Cranach, editions G. Messling.
  • BOSQUE, 1975
    Andrée de Bosque, Quinten Metsys, Arcade Press, Brussels.
  • BRANT, 1494
    Sébastien Brant, La Nef des Fous, Editions Seghers et Nuée Bleue, Paris, 1979.
  • BRISING, 1908
    Harald Brising, Quinten Matsys; essai sur l’origine de l’italianisme dans l’art des Pays-Bas, Brising, Harald, 1908, Leopold Classic Library, reprint 2015.
  • BROWN, 2008
    Mark Brown, Solved: mystery of The Ugly Duchess – and the Da Vinci connection, The Guardian, Oct. 11, 2008, London.
  • BRUCKER, 1993
    Gene Adam Brucker, Florence, six siècles de splendeur et de gloire, Editions de la Martinière, Paris.
  • BRUYN, 2001
    Eric de Bruyn, De vergeten beeldentaal van Jheronimus Bosch, Heinen, ‘s-Hertogenbosch.
  • BRUYN, BEECK, 2003
    Eric de Bruyn and Jan Op de Beeck, De Zotte Schilders, ‘t Vliegend Peerd, Mechelen.
  • BRUYN, 2013
    Yanice de Bruyn, Masterthesis ‘Gebaar en wereldbeeld: Een onderzoek naar de herkomst en betekenis van het gebaar van de Man met bril van Quinten Metsys, Universiteit van Gent.
  • BUCK, 1999
    Stéphanie Buck, Hans Holbein, Maîtres de l’Art allemande, Könemann, Cologne.
  • BUTTERFIELD, 2019
    Andrew Butterfield, Verrochio, Sculptor and Painter of Renaissance Florence, National Gallery of Art and Princeton University Press, Washington.
  • CAUTEREN, HUTS, 2016
    Katherina Van Cauteren and Fernand Huts, Voor God & Geld, Gouden tijd van de zuidelijke Nederlanden, Lannoo.
  • CAMPBELL, STOCK, 2009
    Lorne Campbell, Jan van der Stock, Rogier van der Weyden 1400-1464, Maître des passions, Davidsfonds.
  • CHASTEL, KLEIN, 1995
    André Chastel, Robert Klein, L’Humanisme, l’Europe de la Renaissance, Skira, Genève.
  • CHATELET, 1988
    Albert Châtelet, Early Dutch Painting, Painting in the Northern Netherlands in the Fifteenth Century, Montreux Fine Art Publications, Lausanne.
  • CHATELET, 1994
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FOOTNOTES:

  1. The artist’s name spelling differs over time and according to language cultures. In French, he is named Quentin Metsys, in English Quinten Massys and in Dutch Quinten (Kwinten) Matsijs. In Grobbendonk, he is called Matsys. Since the « ij » didn’t exist at the end of the XVth century, the author chose « Quinten Matsys » for this text, identical to the spelling used by Harald Brising in 1908 and Matsys himself for signing his 1514 painting, The Banker and his Wife, Louvre. ↩︎
  2. In La peinture dans les Anciens Pays-Bas, XVe et XVIe siècle (1994), Paul Philippot underscores: « Les grandes découvertes déplaçant l’activité mondiale de la Méditerranée vers l’Atlantique, Anvers devient, dès le début du XVIe siècle, le principal lieu d’échange entre le Nord et le Sud. Les marchands portugais y échangent des épices apportées des Indes avec les métaux d’Europe centrale et les draps anglais, qui repartent aussi vers l’Allemagne après avoir reçu leur finition à Anvers. »; Antwerpen, Twaalf eeuwen geschiedenis en cultuur, Karel Van Isacker and Raymond van Uytven, Mercatorfonds, Antwerpen, 1986. ↩︎
  3. L’âge d’or d’Anvers, Léon Voet, Fonds Mercator, Anvers, 1976. ↩︎
  4. Brugge, duizend jaar kunst, Valentin Vermeersch, Mercatorfonds, Antwerpen, 1981. ↩︎
  5. Complainte de la Paix, in Erasme, guerre et Paix, selected quotes annotated by Jean-Claude Margolin, Bibliothèque sociale, Aubier Montaigne, 1973, Paris. ↩︎
  6. How Erasmus Folly Saved Our Civilization, Karel Vereycken, website Schiller Institute, Washington, 2005. ↩︎
  7. Pieter Gillis (1486-1533), known as Petrus Aegidius. Pupil of Erasmus friend and printer Dirk Martens, he worked as a corrector in his company before becoming Antwerp’s chief town clerk. Friend of Erasmus and Thomas More, he appears with Erasmus in the double portrait painted by Quinten Matsys, another friend of both. ↩︎
  8. Dirk Martens, l’imprimeur d’Erasme qui diffusa le livre de poche, Karel Vereycken, webpage of Solidarité & Progrès, Paris. ↩︎
  9. Also known as Noviomagus, the Dutch historian Gerardus Geldenhouwer (1482-1542) of Nijmegen, gave up his catholic faith to join Luther’s and rapidly Melanchthon’s moderate reformation. Initially, just as Erasmus, he was trained at the famous Latin school created by the Modern Devotion (Brothers of the Common Life) in Deventer. In Leuven he wrote his first publications, amongst which are a collection of Satires in the trend of Erasmus’ Praise of Folly. In this period, (working with Dirk Martens?), he also oversaw the printing of several works of Erasmus and Thomas More. ↩︎
  10. Cornelius Grapheus (1482-1558), latinized from Cornelis De Schryver, was a Flemish writer, translator, poet, musician and friend of Erasmus. He traveled as a young man to Italy. The first edition of More’s Utopia in 1516 included some of Grapheus liminary verses. By 1520 he became chief town clerk of the city of Antwerp, writing a Latin panegyric to greet Charles V’s arrival. In 1522 he was arrested on accusation of heresy, was taken to Brussels for questioning, and made a full recantation. In 1523 he was set at liberty and returned to Antwerp, where he became a teacher. In 1540 he was reinstated as secretary to the city. ↩︎
  11. Upon the death of Hans Memling in 1494, Gerard David (1460-1523) became Bruges’ leading painter. He became dean of the guild in 1501. Notwithstanding his success in Bruges, he registered jointly with Patinir as a master in Antwerp which allowed him to sell his work also on that city’s rising art market, notably at the Our Lady’s Pand. ↩︎
  12. Patinir ou l’harmonie du monde, Maurice Pons and André Barret, Robert Laffont, Paris, 1980. ↩︎
  13. Dürer lived in Antwerp for eleven months: from Aug. 2, 1520, till July 2, 1521. His travel journal informs us about whom he met in Antwerp, among them the famous artists Quinten Matsys, Bernard van Orley and Lucas van Leyden. His return to Nuremberg coincides with the announcement of Charles V’th « placards » (decrees), forbidding Catholics to read the Bible. Since Dürer’s income came largely from Bible illustrations, prospects to live from that profession became close to zero. ↩︎
  14. In 1510, Lucas van Leyden (1489-1533), born in Leiden, influenced by Dürer, produced two masterpieces of engraving, The Milkmaid and Ecce Homo, the latter much admired by Rembrandt. Lukas met Dürer in Antwerp in 1521 and profited again from his influence, as can be seen in the Passion series of the same year. Lucas may have improved his etching skills with Dürer’s help, for he produced a few etchings after their encounter. ↩︎
  15. Holbein the Younger (1497-1543) was a Swiss painter. As an adolescent, he was asked, and succeded with great success, to annotate with drawings a copy of Erasmus’ Praise of Folly. They met in person, when Erasmus went into exile to Basel. Holbein made several oil portraits of the humanist and came to Antwerp to meet Pieter Gillis. ↩︎
  16. The Antwerp Mannerists’ style is accused of lacking character and individual expression. It is said to be « mannered », and, worse, characterized by artificial elegance. In Les Primitifs flamands et leur temps, pages 621-622-623-624, Editions Renaissance du Livre, 1994. ↩︎
  17. L’art flamand et hollandais, le sièce des primitifs (1380-1520), pages 178, 221, Editions Citadelles et Mazenod, 2003. ↩︎
  18. The research group Ghent Interdisciplinary Centre for Art and Science (GICAS) is a collaboration between members of the Faculties of Arts and Philosophy (Art History, Archaeology, History), Sciences (Analytical Chemistry) and Architecture and Engineering (Image Processing). Research concentrates on material aspects of works of art, with special focus on painting from the Low Countries (15th -17th centuries). The Centre applies both imaging as image processing techniques, as well as material analysis with respect to art historical questions and applications in conservation and restoration. ↩︎
  19. The Paintings of Quinten Massys with Catalogue Raisonné, Larry Silver, Allanheld & Schram, 1984. ↩︎
  20. Quentin Metsys, Andrée de Bosque, Arcade Press, Brussels, 1975. ↩︎
  21. Quinten Matsys; essai sur l’origine de l’italianisme dans l’art des Pays-Bas, Brising, Harald, 1908, Leopold Classic Library, reprint 2015. ↩︎
  22. Martin Luther King, in a sermon, reminds us that in ancient Greece they distinguished three different qualities of love: eros, for gendered love, philia for (brotherly) friendship and agape, translated in Latin as caritas for boundless charity. Agape chooses to regard the other as it does in 1 Corinthians 13: always ready to think the best of the other, ready to forgive, ready to seek the best for the other. An important characteristic of agape, is that it is not based on one’s own needs.
    ↩︎
  23. Erasme et la peinture flamande de son temps, Georges Marlier, Editions van Maerlant, Damme, 1954; ↩︎
  24. Marlier, Georges, Ibid. p. 163. ↩︎
  25. How Erasmus folly saved our civilization, Karel Vereycken, Schiller Institute archive webpage, 2005. ↩︎
  26. Albrecht Dürer’s fight against Neo-Platonic Melancholia, Karel Vereycken, Solidarité & Progrès webpage, 2007. ↩︎
  27. De Eeuw van de Zotheid, over de nar als maatschappelijke houvast in de vroegmoderne tijd, Herman Pleij, Uitgeverij Bert Bakker, Amsterdam, 2007. ↩︎
  28. Le bas Moyen Âge et le temps de la rhétorique, Hanna Stouten, Jaap Goedegebuure and Frits Van Oostrom, in Histoire de la littérature néerlandaise, Fayard, 1999. ↩︎
  29. De vergeten beeldentaal van Jheronimus Bosch, Dr Eric de Bruyn, Heinen, ‘s-Hertogenbosch, 2001; Bosch, his picture-writing deciphered, Dirk Bax, A.A.Balkema, Rotterdam, 1978. ↩︎
  30. French writer and Christian humanist François Rabelais (1583-1553), in his letter to Salignac (in reality, Erasmus), calls him his « father » and even his « mother » and affectionately compares himself to a kind of baby that has grown in his womb, Rabelais, Oeuvres complètes, p. 947, Editions du Seuil, 1973. ↩︎
  31. Spanish literary genius Miguel de Cervantès (1547-1616) was trained by his schoolmaster Juan Lopez de Hoyos (1511-1583), an enthusiastic follower of Erasmus of Rotterdam, whose spirit he breathed into his most beloved disciple. ↩︎
  32. It has been convincingly argued that the English playwright and poet William Shakespeare (1564-1616) wrote, or at least was a major contributor to the 1595 theater play Sir Thomas More, Erasmus’ « twin brother » in spirit and action. ↩︎
  33. Erasmus of the Low Countries, James D. Tracy, p. 104. Erasmus began speaking of “the Philosophy of Christ” in works about 1515. Already in Julius Exclusus (Pope Julius II Excluded from Heaven, 1514) he introduces the idea when St. Peter contrasts the divine simplicity of Christ’s teaching with the worldly arrogance of « warrior » Pope Julius II. “This kind of philosophy” was expressed “more in the emotions [affectibus] than in syllogisms,” it was a matter of “inspiration more than learning, transformation more than reasoning.” ↩︎
  34. On Plato’s humanism: Bierre, Christine, Platon contre Aristote, la République contre l’oligarchie. Webpage of Solidarité & Progrès, 2004. ↩︎
  35. Between 339 and 397 AD, the church father Jerome of Stridon studied and wrote, utilizing many works of history and philosophy from his own library. Jerome’s use of his classical scholarship in the service of Christianity was continued and the intellectual discipline involved valued so long as it could serve the Christian purpose–and without endangering the new Christian Society. ↩︎
  36. Saint Augustine of Hippo‘s epistemology was clearly platonic. For him, in spite of the fact that God is exterior to humans, human minds are aware of him because of his direct action on them (expressed in terms of the shining of his light on the mind, or sometimes of teaching) and not as the result of reasoning or learning from mere empirical sense experience. ↩︎
  37. Among Pieter Brueghel the Elder’s greatest commercial successes stands The Seven Deadly Sins and The Virtues, two series of drawings, engraved and printed by collaborators at the Vier Winden printshop of Jerome Cock in Antwerp, in visual language adopted from his inspirer, the painter Hieronymus Bosch. ↩︎
  38. The Life and Art of Albrecht Durer, Erwin Panofsky, Princeton University Press, 1971. ↩︎
  39. Vanitas (Latin for « vanity », in this context meaning pointlessness, or futility, is a genre of memento mori or symbolic trope acting as a reminder of the inevitability of death, symbolizing the transience of life, the futility of pleasure, and thus the vanity of an existence defined by the permanent quest for earthly pleasure. ↩︎
  40. On Petrarch’s and Boccaccio’s fight for the introduction of classical Greek in Europe: The Greek Language Project. Plato and the Renaissance, Karel Vereycken, Artkarel, 2021. ↩︎
  41. One cannot underestimate the immense popularity, and therefore the historic importance, of these cycles, notably in France. In the Netherlands, Pieter Brueghel the Elder’s imaginary for his painting The Triomph of Death, often misunderstood, are nearly directly taken from Petrarch’s poetic cycle. Translations in English exist such as The Triumphs of Petrarch, ‎Francis Petrarch (Francesco Petrarca), Legare Street Press, 2022. ↩︎
  42. With Jeronymous Bosch on the track of the Sublime, Karel Vereycken, Archive webpage, Schiller Institute, Washington. ↩︎
  43. Bosch, le jardin des délices, Reindert Falkenburg, Hazan, Paris, 2015. ↩︎
  44. In his main literary work, Il Cortegiano (The courtier), Book XXXIX, Baldassar Castiglioni (1478-1519) mocks Leonardo da Vinci, regretting « that one of the prime painters of the word despises the art in which he is unique and started learning philosophy, in which he has forged so strange conceptions and chimeras that he could never paint them in his work ». ↩︎
  45. Notebooks of Leonardo da Vinci, Richter, 1888, XIX Philosophical Maxims. Morals. Polemics and Speculations, N° 1178, Dover Editions, Vol. II., 1970. ↩︎
  46. The secret to be creative: laughing, Angeles Nieto, Angeles Earth; ↩︎
  47. De Docta Ignorantia (On learned ignorance/on scientific ignorance), Cusanus (Nicolaus of Cusa), 1440. Cusanus was a follower of Socrates who, according to Plato said « I know that I know nothing » (Plato, Apology, 22d). ↩︎
  48. With his De Servo Arbitrio (The Enslaved Will), Martin Luther responded extensively in 1525 to Erasmus’ De libero arbitrio diatribe sive collation (On The Free Will) published one year earlier, in 1524. ↩︎
  49. On 31 October 1517, Luther wrote to his bishop, Albrecht von Brandenburg, protesting against the sale of indulgences. He enclosed in his letter a copy of his « Disputation on the Power and Efficacy of Indulgences », which came to be known as the 95 Theses. Among others, Erasmus had already exposed this scam extensively, including in his 1509 Praise of Folly. ↩︎
  50. Written in a couple of days in the residence of Thomas More at Bucklersbury close to London, the work expresses the deep shock Erasmus experienced when discovering the pitiful state in which
    he found « his » Church and « his » Italy, when he traveled to Rome in 1506. For Erasmus, opposite to the Scholastics, emotion should not be ignored or suppressed, but elevated and educated, a theme later developed by Friedrich Schiller in his Letters on the esthetical education of Man (1795). Stultitia (the Latin name for Folly) is the personification of Folly that oscillates permanently between apparent madness=real wisdom and apparent wisdom=real madness, speaks out and firmly claims her paternity and authorship of everything. From the “soft” folly of the weak, of women and children, of men who through sin have abandoned reason, Erasmus transitions to mobilize all his irony and wit to lambaste the “hard” criminal madness of the powerful, of “folly-sophers, » merchants, bankers, princes, kings, popes, theologians and monks. ↩︎
  51. La Nef des Fous, Sébastien Brant, Editions Seghers et Nuée Bleue, reprint, 1979, Strasbourg. ↩︎
  52. Sebastian Brant, Forschungsbeiträge zu seinem Leben, zum Narrenschiff und zum übrigen Werk, Thomas Wilhelmi, Schwabe Verlag, p. 34, 2002, Basel. ↩︎
  53. Ibid, note N° 22. ↩︎
  54. Massys and Money: The Tax Collectors Rediscovered, Larry Silver, JHNA, Volume 7, Issue 2 (Summer 2015), Silver writes: « Yet the influence of Massys’s picture in the history of genre paintings—the subject was taken up almost immediately by the painter’s son Jan Massys, by Marinus van Reymerswaele, and by Jan van Hemessen–has been recognized for some time. » ↩︎
  55. Durer made this engraving to illustrate a popular collection called The Book of the Knight of the Tower, a manual for decent conduct for young ladies. According to the story, the wife of the cook ate an eel meant for a special guest, but rather than admitting it to her husband, she told a lie. A magpie revealed the woman’s secret to her husband, and was punished by having its feathers plucked by the vengeful wife. The cook, represented with all the attributes of his trade: knife, pan and a spoon, is listening to the bird with a growing expression of surprise on his face, whereas his wife turns her gaze to the side in anticipation, which verges on resolute. ↩︎
  56. The fact that the Florentine writer and merchant Lodovico Guicciardini (1521-1589) lived for most of his life in Antwerp, even if that is after 1542, makes him a valuable source of information. ↩︎
  57. For Bruegel, his World is Vast, Interview of the author with Bruegel expert Michael Gibson, art critic of the International Herald Tribune, Fidelio, Vol. 8, N° 4, Winter 1998. ↩︎
  58. Sebastian Brant, Ibid., p. 23. ↩︎
  59. Sebastian Brant, Ibid., p. 27. ↩︎
  60. Dendrochronological study by Peter Klein has allowed to date the wood to 1491, and it is tempting to see the painting as a response to Brant’s Ship of Fools or even the illustrations of the first edition of 1493. Another possible source for the ship allegory is the XIVth-century Pilgrimage of the Soul of Guillaume de Deguileville, printed in Dutch in 1486. ↩︎
  61. Dendrochronological Analysis of Works by Hieronymus Bosch and His Followers, Peter Klein, Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen-NAi Publishers-Ludion, Rotterdam, 2001; ↩︎
  62. See Moderne Devotie et Broeders en van het Gemene Leven, bakermat van het Humanisme, lezing van Karel Vereycken, 2011, Artkarel.com. ↩︎
  63. This theme, powerfully developed by Joachim Patinir, Herri met de Bles and others, forcefully appears in The Pilgrimage of Man (The Soul), Guillaume De Deguileville, XIVth Century. ↩︎
  64. De Moderne Devotie, Spiritualiteit en cultuur vanaf de late Middeleeuwen, collective work, WBooks, Zwolle, 2018. ↩︎
  65. That is the vision of Denis the Carthusian (1401-1471), who wrote a treatise on theological aesthetics under the title of De Venustate Mundi and Pulchritudine Dei (About the Attractiveness of the World and the Beauty of God). ↩︎
  66. One has to congratulate here the groundbreaking insights of Pr. Eric de Bruyn in his remarkable book De vergeten beeldentaal van Jheronimus Bosch, Heinen, ‘s-Hertogenbosch, 2001, where he conclusively demonstrated that the subject of the backside of Bosh’s painthing « The Haywagon, » was not the « Return of the Prodigal Son », as was thought for years, but « The Peddler. » ↩︎
  67. Les Flamands de France, Louis de Baecker, Messager des sciences historiques et archives des arts de Belgique, p. 181, Gent, Vanderhaeghen, 1850. ↩︎
  68. The 1561 Landjuweel of Antwerp made Art a Weapon for Peace, Karel Vereycken, Artkarel.com, 2025; ↩︎
  69. Contemporary description, quoted in De vergeten beeldentaal van Jheronimus Bosch, p. 23. Dr. Eric de Bruyn, Adriaan Heinen Uitgevers, s’Hertogenbosch, 2001 ↩︎
  70. De Bruyn, Ibid. p. 23; ↩︎
  71. For a detailed account of Matsys’ youth, see Quinten Metsys, Andrée de Bosque, p. 33, Arcade Press, Brussels, 1975. ↩︎
  72. The legend started with Dominicus Lampsonius (1536-1599) who included, in his Effigies of some celebrated painters of Lower Germany, published in 1572 by the widow of Hieronymus Cock in Antwerp, an engraved portrait of Matsys done by Wierx, accompanied by a poem about how Matsys’ girlfriend preferred the quiet paintbrush to the heavy noise of a blacksmith’s hammerings. The story was taken up in 1604 by Karel van Mander in his Schilder-Boeck and later by Alexander van Fornenberg (1621-1663) in his enthusastic presentation of Matsys, Den Antwerpschen Protheus, ofte Cyclopshen Apelles; dat is; Het Leven, ende Konst-rijcke Daden, des Uyt-nemenden, ende Hoogh-beroemden, Mr. Quinten Matsys: Van Grof-Smidt, in Fyn-Schilder verandert, Antwerpen, published by Hendrick van Soest, 1658. ↩︎
  73. The Book of Painters, Karel Van Mander, 1604. ↩︎
  74. Architectural Drawings from the Low Countries: Fifteenth to Sixteenth Centuries, Oliver Kik, CODART eZine, no. 8, Autumn 2016. ↩︎
  75. Quinten Metsys, Edward van Even, in Het Belfort, Jaargang 12, 1897, Digitale Bibliotheek voor de Nederlands letteren, webpage. ↩︎
  76. For more: Cornelis Matsys 1510/11-1556/57: Grafisch werk, Jan Van der Stock, Tentoonstellingscatalogus. ↩︎
  77. Les Pays-bas bourguignons, Walter Prevenier and Wim Blockmans, Fonds Mercator et Albin Michel, 1983. ↩︎
  78. For at detailed account, see The Age of the Fuggers, Franz Herre, Presse-Druck- und Verlag-GmbH Augsburg, 1985. ↩︎
  79. In 1548, Francisco de Hollanda (1517-1585) recorded a conversation in his De Pinture Antigua between Vittoria Colonna and the well-known painter Michelangelo in which they were discussing the art from the north. Michelangelo expressed his viewpoint on Flemish painting as follows: « Flemish painting will generally speaking, Signora, please the devout better than any painting of Italy, which will never cause him to shed a tear, whereas that of Flanders will cause him to shed many; and that not through the vigor and goodness of the painting, but owing to the goodness of the devout person. In Flanders they paint with a view to external precision or such things as may cheer you and of which you cannot speak ill, as for example, saints and prophets. They paint objects and masonry, the green grass of the fields, the shadows of trees, and rivers and bridges, which they call landscapes, with many figures on this side and many figures on that one. And all this, though it pleases some persons, is done without skillful choice of boldness and, finally, without substance or vigor. » ↩︎
  80. On this artist: see Thierry Bouts, Catheline Périer D’Ieteren, Fonds Mercator, Bruxelles, 2005. ↩︎
  81. On this artist: see Hugo van der Goes, Elisabeth Dhanens, Mercatorfonds, Antwerpen, 1998. Also Hugo van der Goes and the Modern Devotion, Karel Vereycken, Artkarel.com. ↩︎
  82. See Schilderkunst in de Bourgondische Nederlanden, Berhard Ridderbos, Davidsfonds, Leuven, 2014. ↩︎
  83. Les trois degrés de la vision selon Ruysbroeck l’Admirable et les Bergers du triptyque Portinari de Hugo van der Goes, Delphine Rabier in Studies in Spirituality, N° 27, pp. 163-179, 2017. In his second work in Brussels, Die geestelike brulocht (c. 1335/40) (the spiritual wedding), Ruusbroec explains that the spiritual life proceeds in three stages in which the love of God deepens each time: the working life, the inward life and the God-reflecting life. Ruusbroec emphasizes that the mystic who has reached the highest stage never abandons the previous two, but practices them from union with God. This Ruusbroec calls the “Common” life. ↩︎
  84. On this artist: see Rogier van der Weyden, Dirk De Vos, Mercatorfonds, Antwerpen, 1999. ↩︎
  85. On the musical compositions of Jacob Obrecht (1457-1505), see Flemish Music, Robert Wangermée, Arcade, Brussels, 1968. ↩︎
  86. Metsys’s Musician: A Newly Recognized Early Work, Larry Silver, Journal of Historians of Netherlandish Art (JHNA), Volume 10, Issue 2, Summer 2018. ↩︎
  87. On the Renaissance in Ferrare: Une Renaissance Singulière – La Cour Des Este À Ferrare – Bentini Jadranka, Quo Vadis, 2003. ↩︎
  88. The Latin School of the Brothers of the Common Life in Deventer was directed at Erasmus time by Alexander Hegius (1433-1498), pupil of the famous Rodolphe Agricola (Huisman) (1442-1485), follower of Cusa and enthusiastic defender of the Italian renaissance and classical literature. Erasmus called him a “divine intellect.” At the age of 24, Agricola made a tour of Italy to give organ concerts and meets Ercole d’Este I (1431-1505) ruler of the court of Ferrara. At the University of Pavia, he also discovered the horrors of Aristotelian scholasticism. When teaching in Deventer, Agricola would start his class by saying: “Do not trust anything you have learned until this day. Reject everything! Start from the standpoint that you have to unlearn everything except what you can re-discover based on your own authority or on decrees by superior authors.” ↩︎
  89. The hypothesis that Quentin Matsys went for a trip to Italy has also been suggested by italian author Limentani Virdis, who even gives the painter the authorship of a fresco of the Milan Oratory of Santa Maria di Rovegnano Abbey. ↩︎
  90. Dirk de Vos in L’Art flamand, p. 261, Fonds Mercator, 1985. ↩︎
  91. Le Beau Martin, Gravures et dessins, Musée d’Unterlinden, Colmar, 1991 ; ↩︎
  92. Renaissance in the North, Holbein, Burgkmair, and the Age of the Fuggers, Guido Messling, Jochen Sanders (eds), Hirmer, 2023; ↩︎
  93. Discourse on Free Will, Desiderius Erasmus, Bloomsbury Revelations, 2013. ↩︎
  94. Van Eyck, a Flemish Painter using Arab Optics, Karel Vereycken, lecture on the subject of “Perspective in XVth-century Flemish religious painting” at the Paris Sorbonne University on April 26-28, 2006. ↩︎
  95. Van Eyck, une révolution optique, Maximiliaan Martens, Till-Holger Borchert, Jan Dumolyn, Johan De Smet and Frederica Van Dam, Hannibal, MSK Gent, 2020. ↩︎
  96. Avicenna and Ghiberti’s role in the invention of perspective during the Renaissance, Karel Vereycken, Artkarel, 2022. ↩︎
  97. Ibn al-Haytham on binocular vision: a precursor of physiological optics, Arabic Sciences and Philosophy, pp. 79-99, Raynaud, Dominique, Cambridge University Press, 2003. ↩︎
  98. Leon Battista Alberti (1404-1472) published in 1435 his De Pictura. While the book develops important geometrical concepts employed in perspective representation, it lacks any form of illustration or image and doesn’t inquire into the formation of images in the mind of the viewers. Leonardo took time to demonstrate the limits of the Albertian system and presented some alternatives. ↩︎
  99. Foundations of Renaissance, Architecture and Treatises in Quentin Matsys’ S. Anne Altarpiece (1509), Jochen Ketels and Maximiliaan Martens, European Architectural Historians Network, EAHN: Investigating and Writing architectural history: subjects, Methodologies and Frontiers. p.1072-1083. ↩︎
  100. Ketels, Martens, Ibid.; ↩︎
  101. Ketels, Martens, Ibid.; ↩︎
  102. De prospectiva pingendi (On the Perspective of Painting), written by Piero della Francesca (1415-1492) is the earliest Renaissance treatise in italian devoted to the subject of perspective. See The Egg without shadow of Piero della Francesca, Karel Vereycken, Fidelio, Vol. 9, N° 1, Spring 2000, Schiller Institute, Washington. ↩︎
  103. Ketels, Martens, Ibid. ; ↩︎
  104. Joachim Patinir, Het landschap als beeld van de levenspelgrimage, Reindert L. Falkenburg, Nijmegen, 1985. ↩︎
  105. More on this in Albrecht Dürer, Anja-Franziska Eichler, Könemann, 1999, Cologne, p. 112. ↩︎
  106. More on this in Le Collège des Trois langues de Louvain (1517-1797), Pr. Jan Papy, Editions Peeters, Louvain, 2018. ↩︎
  107. Jacopo de’ Barbari and Northern Art of the Early Sixteenth Century, Jay A. Levenson, New York university, 1978. ↩︎
  108. Four Books on Human Proportions, Albrecht Dürer, 1528. Noteworthy for our subject here, the fact that the artist, in the third book, gives principles by which the proportions of the figures can be modified, including the mathematical simulation of convex and concave mirrors. ↩︎
  109. Quote from Italian Engravings from the National Gallery of Art, Jay A. Levenson, Konrad Oberhuber, Jacquelyn L. Sheehan, National Gallery of Art, 1971. ↩︎
  110. Les premières gravures italiennes, Quattrocento-début du cinquecento. Venise, Vicence, Padoue : Jacopo de Barbari, Girolamo Mocetto, p. 312-348, Inventaire de la collection du département des Estampes et de la Photographie, Éditions de la Bibliothèque nationale de France, 2015 ↩︎
  111. Les premières gravures italiennes, Quattrocento-début du cinquecento. Venise, Vicence, Padoue : Jacopo de Barbari, Girolamo Mocetto, p. 312-348, Inventaire de la collection du département des Estampes et de la Photographie, Éditions de la Bibliothèque nationale de France, 2015. ↩︎
  112. Albrecht Durer; Diary of His Journey to the Netherlands 1520-1521. Accompanied by the Silverpoint Sketchbook and Paintings and Drawings Made During His Journey, New York Graphic Society, Greenwich, 1996. ↩︎
  113. Ibid, Note N° 14. ↩︎
  114. De Mercene Conductis (The Dependant Scholar), Lucian of Samosata. Translated by Fowler, H W and F G. Oxford: The Clarendon Press. 1905. ↩︎
  115. Lucianus, Ibid. ↩︎
  116. Lucianus, Ibid. ↩︎
  117. Erasme parmi nous, p. 72-73, Léon E. Halkin, Fayard, Paris, 1987. ↩︎
  118. Joseph of Arimathea is a Biblical figure who assumed responsibility for the burial of Jesus after his crucifixion. ↩︎
  119. Herod the Great (c. 72 – c. 4 BC) was a Roman Jewish « client King » (satrap) of the kingdom of Judea. He is known for his colossal building projects, notably the rebuilding of the Second Temple in Jerusalem. ↩︎
  120. On Julius II’s role in the rebuilding of Rome, see What the What Humanity can learn from Raphael’s School of Athens, Karel Vereycken, Artkarel.com, 2022. ↩︎
  121. Ibid, note N° 88. ↩︎
  122. Marlier, Ibib, p. 252. ↩︎
  123. On the role of the Fuggers and Welsers in financial and physical slavery in the XVIthe century, see Jacob the Rich, father of financial fascism, Karel Vereycken, Artkarel, 2024. ↩︎
  124. Ehrenberg, Richard, Capital et finance à l’âge de la Renaissance : A Study of the Fuggers, and Their Connections, 1923; ↩︎
  125. Quoted in Marlier, Ibid., p. 252; ↩︎
  126. Quoted by door Marlier, Ibid. p. 270; ↩︎
  127. For a detailed analysis: Le prêteur et sa femme de Quinten Metsys, Emmanuelle Revel, Collection Arrêt sur œuvre, Service culturel, Action éducative, Louvre, Paris, 1995. ↩︎
  128. Les primitifs flamands, Erwin Panofsky, Harvard University Press, 1971, traduit de l’anglais par Dominique Le Bourg, Hazan, collection « 35/37 », Paris, 1992, pp. 280-282. ↩︎
  129. Le siècle de Bruegel. La Peinture en Belgique qu XVIe siècle, catalogue d’exposition 27 septembre – 24 novembre 1963, Musées royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique, Bruxelles, notice dirigé par Georges Marlier. ↩︎
  130. For an in depth analysis, see opposing views: on the one side, the diabolical nature of mirrors, in Histoire du miroir, Sabine Melchior-Bonnet, Imago, Paris, 1994, and on their role as a mediator to the divine, Nicolaus of Cusa’s De Visione Dei, 1453. ↩︎
  131. L’hypothèse d’Oxford, Dominque Raynaud, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, 1988. ↩︎
  132. Jan van Eyck, a Flemish painter using Arab Optics, lecture of Karel Vereycken in 2006 at la Sorbonne University, Artkarel, France. ↩︎
  133. For a complete analysis: Petrus Christus, Maryan W. Ainsworth and Maximiliaan P. J. Martens, p. 96. ↩︎
  134. Iconographie de l’art chrétien, Louis Réau, Presses Universitaires de France, 1958, tome III, Iconographie des saints, pp. 927-928. ↩︎
  135. Ketels, Martens, Ibid. ; ↩︎
  136. Philippe d’Aarschot, in Gids voor de Kunst in België, p. 105, Spectrum, 1965. ↩︎
  137. Holbein’s Lais of Corinth, 1526, reveals the influence of Leonardo. Also Pierre Vays, honorary professor of Art History at the Geneva Faculty, points to the « leonardesque touch of certain of his compositions », in Holbein le Jeune, on https://www.clio.fr.
    ↩︎
  138. Da Vinci likely painted part of Belgium’s ‘The Last Supper’ replica, Maïthé Chini, The Brussels Times, May 2, 2019. ↩︎
  139. In Les grotesques et mouvements de l’âme, Léonard de Vinci conçu par Wenceslaus Hollar à la Fondation Pedretti, Federico Giannini, Finstre Sull’Arte, 26 mars 2019. ↩︎
  140. Ten Books on Architecture, 1.3.2, Vitruvius. ↩︎
  141. Figures du fou, Du Moyen Âge aux Romantiques, Elisabeth Antoine-König, Pierre-Yves Le Pogam, Musée du Louvre, Gallimard, 2024; ↩︎
  142. In Praise of Folly, Erasmus, Chap. XXXI; ↩︎ ↩︎
  143. The Colloquies of Erasmus, Translated by N. Bailey, Gibbing & Company, London, 1900. ↩︎
  144. Early Netherlandish Painting. volume 7, Quentin Massys, Max J. Friedländer, Editions de la Connaissance, Bruxelles, 1971. ↩︎
  145. Cranach der Ältere und die Niederlande, Till-Holger Borchert, in DIe Welt von Lucas Cranach, editions G. Messling, 2010. ↩︎
  146. Les couples mal assortis – Lucas Cranach, Perceval, eve-adam.over-blog.com, 2016, ↩︎
  147. The Ugly Duchess by Quinten Massys, An Analyses, Katie Shaffer, Academia.edu, 2015. ↩︎
  148. Picturing women in late Medieval and Renaissance art, Christa Grössinger, Manchester University Press, 1997. p. 136. ↩︎
  149. Léonard de Vinci, Daniel Arasse, p. 36, Hazan, Paris, 1997. ↩︎
  150. L’Encyclopédie Larousse notes that « L’influence de Léonard apparaît dans une Vierge à l’Enfant (musée de Poznań), inspirée de la Vierge et sainte Anne, et se lit également dans la facture de la Vierge Rattier (1529, Louvre) ou de la Madeleine (musée d’Anvers). Elle a peut-être suscité la tendance caricaturale du Vieillard (1514, Paris, musée Jacquemart-André), de la Femme laide (copie à Londres, N. G.) et peut-être même indirectement des scènes de genre comme le Vieux galant (Washington, N. G.) ou l’Usurier (Rome, Gal. Doria-Pamphili). » ↩︎
  151. Solved: mystery of The Ugly Duchess – and the Da Vinci connection, Mark Brown, The Guardian, Oct. 11, 2008. ↩︎
  152. Mark Brown, Ibid.; ↩︎
  153. Mark Brown, Ibid.; ↩︎
  154. Groteske koppen van Quinten Metsijs, Hieronymus Cock en Hans Liefrinck naar Leonardo da Vinci, Jan Muylle, De Zeventiende Eeuw, 10th year, 1994. ↩︎
  155. Erasmus, Complainte de la paix, Ibid. ↩︎
  156. Creativity and Humor, Chapter 4 – Why Humor Enhances Creativity From Theoretical Explanations to an Empirical Humor Training Program: Effective “Ha-Ha” Helps People to “A-Ha”, Ching-Hui Chen, Hsueh-Chih Chen, Anne M. Roberts, pages 83-108, Explorations in Creativity Research, 2019. ↩︎
  157. De Eeuw van de Zotheid, over de nar als maatschappelijke houvast in de vroegmoderne tijd, Herman Pleij, p. 11, Uitgeverij Bert Bakker, Amsterdam. ↩︎

Merci de partager !

Joachim Patinir and the invention of landscape painting

Joachim Patinir, Landscape with Saint Jerome, National Gallery, London.
Joachim Patinir (1485-1524), drawing by Albrecht Dürer, who attended Patinir’s wedding in Antwerp in 1520.

It is generally believed that the « modern » concept of landscape in Flemish painting only emerged with the work ofJoachim Patinir (1485-1524), a Dinant-born painter working in Antwerp in the early 16th century.

For Viennese art historian Ludwig von Baldass (1887-1963), writing at the beginning of the 20th century, Patinir‘s work, presented as clearly ahead of its time, would herald landscape as überschauweltlandschaft, translatable as « panoramic landscape of the world », a truly cosmic and totalizing representation of the visible universe.

What characterizes Patinir‘s work, say the proponents of this analysis, is the sheer scale of the landscapes it presents for the viewer to contemplate.

This breadth has a dual character: the space depicted is immense (due to a panoramic viewpoint situated high up, almost « celestial »), while at the same time it encompasses, without concern for geographical verisimilitude, the greatest possible number of different phenomena and representative specimens, typical of what the earth can offer as curiosities, sometimes even imaginary, dreamlike, unreal, fantastic motifs: fields, woods, anthropomorphic mountains, villages and cities, deserts and forests, rainbows and storms, swamps and rivers, rivers and volcanoes.

Bayart Rock on the Meuse, near Dinant, Belgium.

For example, the « Bayart Rock », which borders the Meuse not far from Patinir‘s native town of Dinant.

In addition to this panoramic perspective, Patinir uses aerial perspective – theorized at the time by Leonardo da Vinci – by dividing the space into three color planes: brown-ochre for the first plane, green for the middle plane and blue for the distant plane.

However, the painter preserves the visibility of the totality of details with a meticulousness, minutiae and preciousness worthy of the Flemish masters of the XVth century, who, by tending towards a quantitative infinity (consisting in showing everything), sought to approach a qualitative infinity (allowing us to see everything).

For their part, the authors of the weltlandschaft thesis, after showering with praise, do not hesitate to strongly relativize his contribution, saying:

And it’s here that the trap of this approach, which consists in making us believe that the advent of landscape as an autonomous genre, its so-called « secularization », is simply the result of emancipation from a medieval and religious mental matrix, considered necessarily retrograde, for which landscape was reduced to a pure emanation or incarnation of divine power, is clearly identified.

Patinir, the first, would thus have demonstrated a purely « modern » aesthetic conception, and these « realistic » landscapes would mark the transition from a religious – and therefore obscurantist – cultural paradigm to a modern one, i.e. one devoid of meaning… which he would later be criticized for.

This is how the romantic and fantastic minds of the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries viewed the artists of the XVth and XVIth centuries.

Von Baldass was undoubtedly influenced by the writings of Goethe, who, no doubt in a moment of enthusiasm for Greek paganism, analyzed the increasingly diminished role of religious figures in XVIth-century Flemish paintings and deduced that it was no longer the religious subject that was the subject, but the landscape.

Just as Rubens would have used the pretext of painting Adam and Eve expelled from Paradise to be able to paint nudes, Patinir would simply have seized the pretext of a biblical passage to be able to indulge his true passion, landscape…

A little detour via Hieronymus Bosch

A fresh look at Patinir’s work clearly demonstrates the error of this analysis.

To arrive at a more accurate reading, I suggest a detour to Hieronymus Bosch, whose spirit was very much alive among Erasmus‘ circle of friends in Antwerp (Gérard David, Quentin Massys, Jan Wellens Cock, Albrecht Dürer, etc.), of which Patinir was a member.

Bosch, contrary to the clichés still in vogue today, is above all a pious and moralizing spirit. If he shows vice, it’s not so much to praise it as to make us aware of just how much it attracts us. Faithful to the Augustinian traditions of Devotio Moderna, promoted by the Brothers of the Common Life (a spiritual renewal movement to which he was close), Bosch believes that man’s attachment to earthly things leads him to sin. This is the central theme of all his work, the spirit of which can only be penetrated by reading The Imitation of Christ, written, in all probability, by the founding soul of the Devotio Moderna, Geert Groote (1340-1384), or his disciple, Thomas à Kempis (1379-1471), to whom this work is generally attributed.

In this work, the most widely read in human history after the Bible, we read:

Bosch treats this subject with great compassion and humor in his painting The Hay Wagon (Prado Museum, Madrid).

Hieronymus Bosch, The Hay Chariot Altarpiece, central panel, reference to the vanity of earthly riches. Prado Museum, Madrid.

The allegory of straw already exists in the Old Testament. Isaiah 40:6 :

It was echoed in the New Testament by the apostle Peter (1:24):

Johannes Brahms uses this passage in the second movement of his German Requiem.

Bosch‘s triptych depicts a hay wagon, an allegory of the vanity of earthly riches, pulled by strange creatures on their way to hell.

The Duke of Burgundy, the Emperor of Germany and even the Pope himself (this is the time of Julius II…) follow close behind, while a dozen or so characters fight to the death for a blade of straw. It’s a bit like the huge speculative securities bubble that is leading our era into a great depression…

It’s easy to imagine the bankers who sabotaged the G20 summit to perpetuate their system, which is so profitable in the very short term. But this corruption doesn’t just affect the big boys. In the foreground of the picture, an abbot has entire sacks of hay filled, a false dentist and also gypsies cheat people for a bit of straw.

The peddler and the Homo Viator

The closed triptych sums up the same topos in the form of a peddler (not the prodigal son). This peddler, eternal homo viator, is an allegory of Man who fights to stay on the right path and insists on staying on it.

In another version of the same subject painted by Bosch (Museum Boijmans Beuningen, Rotterdam), the peddler advances op een slof en een schoen (on a slipper and a shoe), i.e. he chooses precariousness, leaving the visible world of sin (we see a brothel and drunkards) and abandoning his material possessions.

Painting by Bosch. Here, the peddler is merely a metaphor for the path chosen by the soul as it steadily detaches itself from earthly temptations. With his staff (faith), the believer repels the sin (the dog) that comes to bite his calves.

With his staff (symbol of faith), he fends off the infernal dogs (symbol of temptation), who try to hold him back.

Once again, these are not manifestations of Bosch‘s exuberant imagination, but of a metaphorical language common at the time. We find this representation in the margin of the famous Luttrell Psalter, a XIVth-century English psalter.

Luttrell Psalter, peddler with staff and infernal dog, British Library, London.

This theme of homo viator, the man who detaches himself from earthly goods, is also recurrent in the art and literature of this period, particularly since the Dutch translation of Pèlerinage de la vie et de l’âme humaine (pilgrimage of life and the human soul), written in 1358 by the Norman Cistercian monk Guillaume de Degulleville (1295-after 1358).

A miniature from this work shows a soul on its way, dressed as a peddler.

Miniature from Guillaume Degulleville’s Pèlerinage de la vie et l’âme humaine.

Nevertheless, while in the XIVth century this spiritual requirement may have dictated a sometimes excessive rigorism, the liberating laughter of nascent humanism (Brant, Erasmus, Rabelais, etc.) would bring happier, freer colors to Flemish Brabant culture (Bosch, Matsys, Bruegel), albeit later stifled by the dictates of the Council of Trent.

Man’s foolish attachment to earthly goods became a laughing matter. Published in Basel in 1494, Sébastien Brant’s Ship of Fools, a veritable inventory of all the follies that can lead man to his doom, left its mark on an entire generation, which rediscovered creativity and optimism thanks to the liberating laughter of Erasmusand his disciple, the Christian humanist François Rabelais.

In any case, for Bosch, Patinirand the Devotio Moderna, contemplation was the very opposite of pessimism and scholastic passivity. For them, laughter is the ideal antidote to despair, acedia (weariness) and melancholy.

Contemplation thus took on a new dimension. Each member of the faithful is encouraged to live out his or her Christian commitment, through personal experience and individual imitation of Christ. They must stop blaming themselves on the great figures of the Bible and Sacred History.

Man can no longer rely on the intercession of the Virgin Mary, the apostles and the saints. While following their examples, he must give personal content to the ideal of the Christian life. Driven to action, each individual, fully aware of his or her sinful nature, is constantly led to choose good over evil. These are just a few of the cultural backgrounds that enable us to approach Patinir’s landscapes in a different way.

Charon crossing the Styx

Patinir’s painting Charon Crossing the Styx (Prado Museum, Madrid), which combines ancient and Christian traditions, will serve here as our « Rosetta stone ». Inspired by the sixth book of the Aeneid, in which the Roman writer Virgil describes the catabasis, or descent into hell, or Dante‘s Inferno (3, line 78) taken from Virgil, Patinir places a boat at the center of the work.

Joachim Patinir, Charon crossing the Styx, Prado Museum, Madrid.

The tall figure standing in this boat is Charon, the Ferryman of the Underworld, usually portrayed as a gloomy, sinister old man. His task is to ferry the souls of the deceased across the River Styx.

In payment, Charon takes a coin placed in the mouths of the corpses. The passenger in the boat is thus a human soul.

Although the scene takes place after the person’s physical death, the soul – and this may come as a surprise – is tormented by the choice between Heaven and Hell.

Since the Council of Trent, it has been considered that a bad life irrevocably sends man to Hell from the moment of his death. But Christian faith continues, even today, to distinguish the Last Judgment from what is known as the « particular judgment ».

According to this concept, which is sometimes disputed within denominations, at the moment of death, although our final fate is fixed (Hebrews 9:27), all the consequences of this particular Judgment will not be drawn until the general Judgment, which will take place when Christ returns at the end of time.

So, the « particular judgment » that is supposed to immediately follow our death, concerns our last act of freedom, prepared by all that our life has been. Helping us to contemplate this ultimate moment therefore seems to be the primary aim of Patinir‘s painting, with other metaphors thrown in for good measure.

However, a closer look at the lower part of the painting reveals a contradiction that is absent from Virgil’s poem. While Hell is on the right (Cerberus, the three-headed dog guarding the gateway to Hell, can be seen), the gateway seems easily accessible, with splendid trees dotting the lawns.

To the left is Paradise. An angel tries to attract the attention of the soul in the boat, but it seems much more attracted by a seemingly welcoming Hell.

What’s more, the dimly-lit path to paradise seems perilous, with rocks, swamps and other dangerous obstacles. Once again, it’s our senses that may lead us to make a literally hellish choice.

Hercules at the crossroads, Ship of Fools, Sébastien Brant.

The subject of the painting is clearly that of the bivium, the binary choice at the crossroads that offers the pilgrim viewer the choice between the path of vice and that of salvation.

This theme was widespread at the time. We find it again in Sébastien Brant‘s Ship of Fools, in the form of Hercules at the crossroads. In this illustration, on the left, at the top of a hill, a naked woman represents vice and idleness. Behind her, death smiles down on us.

On the right, planted at the top of a higher hill, at the end of a rocky path, awaits virtue symbolized by work. Let’s also remember that the Gospel (Matthew 7:13-14) clearly evokes the choice we will face:

Landscape as an object of contemplation

The art historian Reindert Leonard Falkenburg, in his 1985 doctoral thesis, was the first to note that Patinir takes pleasure in transposing this metaphorical language to the whole of his landscape.

Although the image of impassable rocks as a metaphor for the virtue achieved by choosing the difficult path is nothing new, Patinir exploits this idea with unprecedented virtuosity.

We thus discover that the theme of man courageously turning away from the temptation of a world that traps our sensorium, is the underlying theo-philosophical theme of almost all Patinir’s landscapes. In this way, his work finds its raison d’être as an object of contemplation, where man measures himself against the infinite.Let’s return to our Landscape with Saint Jerome by Patinir (National Gallery, London).

Here we discover the « narrow gate » leading to a difficult path that takes us to the first plateau. This is not the highest mountain. The highest, like the Tower of Babylon, is a symbol of pride.

Next, let’s look at Resting on the Road to Egypt (Prado Museum, Madrid). At the side of the road, Mary is seated, and in front of her, on the ground, are the peddler’s staff and his typical basket.

Joachim Patinir, The Rest of the Holy Family, Prado Museum, Madrid.

In conclusion, we could say that, driven by his spiritual and humanist fervor, by painting increasingly impassable rocks – reflecting the immense virtue of those who decide to climb them – Patinir elaborates not « realistic » landscapes, but « spiritual landscapes », dictated by the immense need to tell the spiritual journey of the soul.

Hence, far from being mere aesthetic objects, his spiritual landscapes serve contemplation.

Like a half-ironic mirror image, they enable those who wish to do so to prepare for the choices their soul will face during, and after, life’s pilgrimage.

Bibliography:

  • R.L. Falkenburg, Joachim Patinir, Het landschap als beeld van de levenspelgrimage, Nijmegen, 1985;
  • Maurice Pons and André Barret, Patinir ou l’harmonie du monde, Robert Laffont, 1980;
  • Eric de Bruyn, De vergeten beeldentaal van Jheronimus Bosch, Adr. Heinen, s’Hertogenbosch, 2001;
  • Dirk Bax, Hieronymus Bosch, his picture-writing deciphered, A. A. Balkema, Capetown, 1979;
  • Georgette Epinay-Burgard, Gérard Groote, fondateur de la Dévotion Moderne, Brepols, 1998.
  • Karel Vereycken, Devotio Moderna, cradle of Humanism in the North, Artkarel.com, 2011;
  • Karel Vereycken, With Hieronymus Bosch on the track of the Sublime, Schiller Institute, 2007.
  • Karel Vereycken, How Erasmus Folly saved our Civilization, Schiller Institute, 2004.

Merci de partager !

Erasmus’ dream: the Leuven Three Language College

In autumn 2017, a major exhibit organized at the University library of Leuven and later in Arlon, also in Belgium, attracted many people. Showing many historical documents, the primary intent of the event was to honor the activities of the famous Three Language College (Collegium Trilingue), founded in 1517 by the efforts of the Christian Humanist Erasmus of Rotterdam (1467-1536) and his allies. Though modest in size and scope, Erasmus’ initiative stands out as one of the cradles of European civilization, as you will discover here.

Revolutionary political figures, such as William the Silent (1533-1584), organizer of the Revolt of the Netherlands against the Habsburg tyranny, humanist poets and writers such as Thomas More, François Rabelais, Miguel Cervantes and William Shakespeare, all of them, recognized their intellectual debt to the great Erasmus of Rotterdam, his exemplary fight, his humor and his great pedagogical project.

For the occasion, the Leuven publishing house Peeters has taken through its presses several nice catalogues and essays, published in Flemish, French as well as English, bringing together the contributions of many specialists under the wise (and passionate) guidance of Pr Jan Papy, a professor of Latin literature of the Renaissance at the Leuven University, with the assistance of a “three language team” of Latinists which took a fresh look at close to all the relevant and inclusively some new documents scattered over various archives.

The Leuven Collegium Trilingue: an appealing story of courageous vision and an unseen international success. Thanks to the legacy of Hieronymus Busleyden, counselor at the Great Council in Mechelen, Erasmus launched the foundation of a new college where international experts would teach Latin, Greek and Hebrew for free, and where bursaries would live together with their professors”, reads the back cover of one of the books.

University of Leuven, Belgium.

For the researchers, the issue was not necessarily to track down every detail of this institution but rather to answer the key question: “What was the ‘magical recipe’ which attracted rapidly to Leuven between three and six hundred students from all over Europe?”

Erasmus’ initiative was unprecedented. Having an institution, teaching publicly Latin and, on top, for free, Greek and Hebrew, two languages considered “heretic” by the Vatican, was already tantamount to starting a revolution.

Was it that entirely new? Not really. As early as the beginning of the XIVth century, for the Italian humanists in contact with Greek erudites in exile in Venice, the rigorous study of Greek, Hebraic and Latin sources as well as the Fathers and the New Testament, was the method chosen by the humanists to free mankind from the Aristotelian worldview suffocating Christianity and returning to the ideals, beauty and spirit of the “Primitive Church”.

For Erasmus, as for his inspirer, the Italian humanist Lorenzo Valla (1403-1457), the « Philosophy of Christ » (agapic love), has to come first and opens the road to end the internal divisions of Christianity and to uproot the evil practices of greed (indulgences, simony) and religious superstition (cult of relics) infecting the Church from the top to the bottom, and especially the mendicant orders.

To succeed, Erasmus sets out to clarify the meaning of the Holy Writings by comparing the originals written in Greek, Hebrew and Latin, often polluted following a thousand years of clumsy translations, incompetent copying and scholastic commentaries.

Brothers of the Common Life

My own research allows me to recall that Erasmus was a true disciple of the Sisters and Brothers of the Common Life of Deventer in the Netherlands, a hotbed of humanism in Northern Europe. The towering figures that founded this lay teaching order are Geert Groote (1340-1384), Florent Radewijns (1350-1400) and Wessel Gansfort (1420-1489), all three said to be fluent in precisely these three languages.

The religious faith of this current, also known as the “Modern Devotion”, centered on interiority, as beautifully expressed in the little book of Thomas a Kempis (1380-1471), the Imitation of Christ. This most read book after the Bible, underlines the importance for the believer to conform one owns life to that of Christ who gave his life for mankind.

Rudolph Agricola

Rudolp Agricola, painted by Cranach.

Hence, in 1475, Erasmus father, fluent in Greek and influenced by famous Italian humanists, sends his son to the chapter of the Brothers of the Common Life in Deventer, at that time under the direction of Alexander Hegius (1433-1499), himself a pupil of the famous Rudolph Agricola (1442-1485) which Erasmus had the chance to listen to and which he calls a “divine intellect”.

Follower of the cardinal-philosopher Nicolas of Cusa (1401-1464), enthusiastic advocate of the Italian Renaissance and the Good Letters, Agricola would tease his students by saying:

“Be cautious in respect to all that you learned so far. Reject everything! Start from the standpoint you will have to un-learn everything, except that what is based on your sovereign authority, or on the basis of decrees by superior authors, you have been capable of re-appropriating yourself”.

Erasmus, with the foundation of the Collegium Trilingue will carry this ambition at a level unreached before. To do so, Erasmus and his friend apply a new pedagogy. Hence, instead of learning by heart medieval commentaries, pupils are called to formulate their proper judgment and take inspiration of the great thinkers of the Classical period, especially “Saint Socrates”. Latin, a language that degenerated during the Roman Empire, will be purified from barbarisms.

With this approach, for pupils, reading a major text in its original language is only the start. An explorative work is required: one has to know the history and the motivations of the author, his epoch, the history of the laws of his country, its geography, cosmography, all considered to be indispensable instruments to put each text in its specific literary and historical context and allowing reading, beyond the words, the intention of their author.

Erasmus (left) and his friend Pieter Gilles, by Antwerp painter Quinten Metsijs.

This “modern” approach (questioning, critical study of sources, etc.) of the Collegium Trilingue, after having demonstrated its efficiency by clarifying the message of the Gospel, will rapidly travel over Europe and reach many other domains of knowledge, notably scientific issues! By uplifting young talents, out of the small and sleepy world of scholastic certitudes, this institution rapidly grew into a hotbed for creative minds.

For the ignorant reader who often considers Erasmus as some kind of comical writer praising madness which lost it after an endless theological dispute with Martin Luther, such a statement might come as a surprise.

Scientific Renaissance

Art and science for the people. The early 16th century was a time of early scientific education.

While Belgium’s contributions to science, under Emperor Charles Vth, are broadly recognized and respected, few are those understanding the connection uniting Erasmus with a mathematician as Gemma Frisius and his pupil and friend Gerard Mercator, an anatomist such as Andreas Vesalius or a botanist such as Rembert Dodonaeus.

Hence, as already thoroughly documented in 2011 by Professor Jan Papy in a remarkable article, the scientific renaissance which bloomed in the Netherlands and Belgium in the early XVIth century, could not have taken place if it were for the “linguistic revolution” provoked by the Collegium Trilingue.

Because, beyond the mastery of their vernacular languages (French and Dutch), hundreds of youth, by studying Greek, Latin and Hebrew, suddenly got access to all the scientific treasures of Greek Philosophy and the best authors in those newly discovered languages.

Remains of the old Louvain city wall. In the foreground, the Jansenius tower, in the background, the Justus Lipsius tower.

At last, they could read Plato in the text, but also Anaxagoras, Heraclites, Thales of Millet, Eudoxus of Cnidus, Pythagoras, Eratosthenes, Archimedes, Galen, Vitruvius, Pliny the elder, Euclid and Ptolemy whose work they will master and eventually correct.

As the books published by Peeters account in great detail, during the first century of its existence, the Collegium Trilingue had a rough time confronting political uproar and religious strife. Heavy critique came especially form the “traditionalists”, a handful of theologians for which the Greeks were nothing but schismatics and the Jews the assassins of Christ and esoterics.

The opposition was such that Erasmus himself never could teach at the Collegium and, while keeping in close contact, decided to settle in Basel, Switzerland, in 1521.

Despite all of this, the Erasmian revolution conquered Europe overnight and a major part of the humanists of that period were trained or influenced by this institution. From abroad, hundreds of pupils arrived to follow classes given by professors of international reputation.

27 European universities integrated pupils of the Collegium in their teaching staff: among them stood Jena, Wittenberg, Cologne, Douai, Bologna, Avignon, Franeker, Ingolstadt, Marburg, etc.

Teachers at the Collegium were secured a decent income so that they weren’t obliged to give private lectures to secure a living and could offer public classes for free. As was the common practice of the Brothers of the Common Life in Deventer, a system of bursa allowed talented though poor students, including many orphans, to have access to higher learning. “Something not necessarily unusual those days, says Pr Jan Papy, and done for the sake of the soul of the founder (of the Collegium, reference to Busleyden)”.

Le Wentelsteen, last remaining staircase of the Collegium Trilingue. Crédit : Karel Vereycken

While visiting Leuven and contemplating the worn-out steps of the spiral staircase (wentelsteen), one of the last remains of the building that had a hard time resisting the assaults of time and ignorance, one can easily imagine those young minds jumping down the stairs with enthusiasm going from the dormitory to the classroom. Looking at the old shopping list of the school’s kitchen one can conclude the food was excellent with lots of meat, poultry but also vegetables and fruits, and sometimes wine from Beaune in Burgundy, especially when Erasmus came for a visit! While over the years, of course, the quality of the learning transmitted, would vary in accordance with the excellence of its teachers, the Collegium Trilingue, whose activity would last till the French revolution, gave its imprint in history by giving birth to what some have called the “Little Renaissance” of the first half of the XVIth century.

In France, the Sorbonne University reacted with fear and in 1523, the study of Greek was outlawed in France.

Marguerite de Navarre, reader of Erasmus.

François Rabelais, at that time a monk in Vendée, saw his books confiscated by the prior of his monastery and deserts his order. Later, as a doctor, he translated the medical writings of the Greek scientist Galen from Greek into French. Rabelais’s letter to Erasmus shows the highest possible respect and intellectual debt to Erasmus.

In 1530, Marguerite de Navarre, sister of King Francis, and reader and admirer of Erasmus, at war with the Sorbonne, convinced her brother to allow Guillaume Budé, a friend of Erasmus, to create the “Collège des Lecteurs Royaux” (ancestor of the Collège de France) on the model of the Collegium Trilingue. And to protect its teachers, many coming directly from Leuven, they got the title of “advisors” of the King. The Collège taught Latin, Hebrew and Greek, and rapidly added Arab, Syriac, medicine, botany and philosophy to its curriculum.

Dirk Martens

Dirk Martens.

Also celebrated for the occasion, Dirk Martens (1446-1534), rightly considered as one of the first humanists to introduce printing in the Southern Netherlands.

Born in Aalst in a respected family, the young Dirk got his training at the local convent of the Hermits of Saint William. Eager to know the world and to study, Dirk went abroad. In Venice, at that time a cosmopolite center harboring many Greek erudite in exile, Dirk made his first steps into the art of printing at the workshop of Gerardus de Lisa, a Flemish musician who set up a small printing shop in Treviso, close to Venice.

Back in Aalst, together with his partner John of Westphalia, Martens printed in 1473 the first book in the country with a movable type printing press, a treatise of Dionysius the Carthusian (1401-1471), a friend and collaborator of cardinal-philosopher Nicolas of Cusa, as well as the spiritual advisor of Philip the Good, the Duke of Burgundy and thought to be the occasional « theological » advisor of the latter’s court painter, Jan Van Eyck.

If the oldest printed book known to us is a Chinese Buddhist writing dating from 868, the first movable printing types, made first out of wood and then out of hardened porcelain and metal, came from China and Korea in 1234.

Replica of Martens’ printing press at the Communal Museum of Aalst.

The history of two lovers, a poem written by Aeneas Piccolomini before he became the humanist Pope Pius II, was another early production of Marten’s print shop in Aalst.

Proud to have introduced this new technique allowing a vast increase in the spreading of good and virtuous ideas, Martens wrote in one of the prefaces: “This book was printed by me, Dirk Martens of Aalst, the one who offered the Flemish people all the know-how of Venice”.

After some years in Spain, Martens returned to Aalst and started producing breviaries, psalm books and other liturgical texts. While technically elaborate, the business never reached significant commercial success.

Martens then moved to Antwerp, at that time one of the main ports and cross-roads of trade and culture. Several other Flemish humanists born in Aalst played eminent roles in that city and animate its intellectual and cultural life. Among these:

Cornelis De Schrijver (1482-1558), the secretary of the City of Aalst, better known under his latin name Scribonius and later as Cornelius Grapheus. Writer, translator, poet, musician and friend of Erasmus, he was accused of heresy and hardly escaped from being burned at the stake.

Pieter Gillis (1486-1533), known as Petrus Aegidius. Pupil of Martens, he worked as a corrector in his company before becoming Antwerp’s chief town clerk. Friend of Erasmus and Thomas More, he appears with Erasmus in the double portrait painted by another friend of both, Quinten Metsys (1466-1530).

Pieter Coecke van Aelst (1502-1550), editor, painter and scenographer. After a trip to Italy, he set up a workshop in Antwerp. Pieter will produce patrons for tapestries, translated with the help of his wife the works of the Roman architect Vitruvius into Dutch and trained the young Flemish painter Bruegel the Elder who will marry his daughter.

Invention of pocket books

In Antwerp, Martens became part of this milieu and his workshop became a meeting place for painters, musicians, scientists, poets and writers. With the Collegium Trilingue, Martens opens a second shop, this time in Leuven to work with Erasmus. In order to provide adequate books to the Collegium, Martens proudly became, in the footsteps of the Venetian Printer Aldo Manuce, one of the first printers to concentrate on in-octavo 8° (22 x 12 cm), i.e. “pocket” size books affordable by all and which students could take home !

For the specialists of the Erasmus house of Anderlecht, close to Brussels,

“Martens innovated in nearly all domains. As well as in terms of printing types as lay-out. He was the first to introduce Italics, Greek and Hebrew letter types. He also generalized the use of ‘New Roman’ letter type so familiar today. During the first thirty years of the XVIth century, he also operated the revolution in lay-out (chapters and paragraphs) that gave birth to the modern book as we know it today. All this progress, he achieved in close cooperation with Erasmus”.

Thomas More’s Utopia

1516, pages from Thomas More’s Utopia, printed by Martens in Leuven. On the left, an imaginary map showing the island of Utopia. On the right, the equally imaginary Utopian alphabet.

In 1516, it was Dirk Martens who printed the first edition of Thomas More’s Utopia. Among the hundreds of editions he printed mostly alone, 61 books and writings of Erasmus, notably In Praise of Folly. He also produced More’s edition of the roman satirist Lucian and Columbus’ account of the discovery of the new world. In 1423, Martens printed the complete works of Homer, quite a challenge!

In 1520, a papal bull of Leo X condemned the errors of Martin Luther and ordered the confiscation of his writings to be burned in public in front of the clergy and the people.

For Erasmus, burning books didn’t automatically erased their their content from the minds of the people. “One starts by burning books, one finishes by burning people” Erasmus warned years before Heinrich Heine said that “There, were one burns books, one ends up burning people”.

Printers and friends of Erasmus, especially in France, died on the stake opening the doors for the religious wars that will ravage Europe for the century to come.

What Erasmus feared above all, is that with the Vatican’s brutal war against Luther, it is the entire cultural renaissance and the learning of languages that got threatened with extinction.

In July 1521, confronted with the book burning, the German painter and engraver Albrecht Dürer, who made his living with bible illustrations, left Antwerp with his wife to return to his native Nuremberg.

Thirty years later, in 1552, the great cartographer Gerardus Mercator, a brilliant pupil of the Collegium Trilingue, for having called into question the views of Aristotle, went into exile and settled in Duisbourg, Germany.

In 1521, at the request of his friends who feared for his life, Erasmus left Leuven for Basel and settled in the workshop of another humanist, the Swiss printer Johann Froben.

In 1530, with a foreword of Erasmus, Froben published Georgius Agricola’s inventory of mining techniques, De Re Metallica, a key book that vastly contributed to the industrial revolution of Saxen, Switzerland, Germany and the whole of Europe.

Conclusion

If certain Catholic historians try to downplay the hostility of their Church towards Erasmus, the fact remains that between 1559 and 1900, the full works of Erasmus were on the “Index Vaticanus” and therefore “forbidden readings” for Catholics.

If Thomas More, whom Erasmus considered as his twin brother, was canonized by Pius XI in 1935 and recognized as the patron saint of the political leaders, Erasmus himself was never rehabilitated.

Interrogated by this author in a letter, the Pope Francis returned a polite but evasive answer.

Let’s rebuild the Collegium Trilingue !

With the exception of the staircase, only a few stones remain of the historical building housing the Collegium Trilingue. In 1909, the University of Louvain planned to buy up and rebuild the site but the First World War changed priorities. Before becoming social housing, part of the building was used as a factory. As a result, today, there is no overwhelming charm. However, seeing the historical value of the site, we cannot but fully support a full reconstruction plan of the building and its immediate environment.

It would make the historical center of Leuven so much nicer, so much more attractive and very much more loyal to its own history. On top, such a reconstruction wouldn’t cost much and might interest private investors. The images in 3 dimensions produced for the Leuven exhibit show a nice Flemish Renaissance building, much in the style of the marvels constructed by architect Rombout II Keldermans.

Every period has the right to honestly “re-write” its own history, without falsifications, according to its own vision of the future.

It has to be noted here that the world famous “Rubenshuis” in Antwerp, is not at all the original building, but a scrupulous reconstruction of the late 1930s.

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Bruegel, Petrarca and the « Triumph of Death »

The Triumph of Death, Peter Bruegel the Elder, oil on panel, 1562, Prado, Madrid.

By Karel Vereycken, april 2020.

The Triumph of Death? The simple fact that the heir to the throne of England, Prince Charles, and even the UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson, have tested positive to the terrifying coronavirus currently sweeping the planet, tells something to the public.

As some commentators pointed out (no irony) it “gave a face to the virus”. Until then, when an elderly person or a dedicated nurse died of the same, it “wasn’t real”.

Realizing that these “higher-ups” are not part of the immortal Gods of Olympus but are mortals as all of us, brings to my mind “The Triumph of Death”, a large oil painting on panel (117 x 162 cm, Prado, Madrid), generally misunderstood, painted by the Flemish painter Peter Bruegel’s the elder (1525-1569), and thought to be executed between 1562 and his premature demise.

In order to discover, beyond the painting, the intention of the painter’s mind, it is always useful, before rushing into hazardous conclusions, to briefly describe what one sees.

« Below, some people are crawling on their knees, hoping to remain unnoticed ».

What do we see in Bruegel’s « Triumph of Death« ? On the left, a skeleton, symbolizing death itself, holding a sand-glass in its hand, carries away a dead King. Next to him, another skeleton grabs the vast amounts of money no one can take with him into the grave. Death is driving a chariot. Below the charriot some people are crawling on their knees, hoping to remain unnoticed.

People are gambling and amusing themselves…

On the right, at the forefront, people are gambling and amusing themselves. A skeleton playing a musical instruments joins a prosperous young couple engaged in a musical dialogue and clearly unaware that Death is taking over the planet.

The message is simple and clear. No one can escape death, poor or rich, young or old, king or peasant, sick or healthy. When the hour comes, or at the end of all times, all mortals return to the creator since “physical” death triumphs over all of them.

Immortality

Lyndon LaRouche (1922-2019)

American thinker Lyndon LaRouche (1922-2019), in his speeches and writings, used to remind us, with his typical loving impatience: all human wisdom starts by a personal decision to acknowledge a fact proven without contest: we are all born and each of us, sooner or later, will die. So far, our bodies have all been proven mortal.

The duration of our mortal existence on the clock of the universe, he reminded, is less than a nanosecond.

Therefore, knowing this boundary condition of our mortal existence, we, each of us, have to make a personal sovereign decision: how will I spend the talent of my life ? Will I spend that talent chasing the earthly pleasures of the flesh, or dedicate my life to defending the truth, the beautiful and the good, to the great benefit of humanity as a whole, living in past, present and future ?

In 2011, in a discussion, LaRouche explained what he meant by saying that humanity has the potential to become an “immortal” species:

I live; as long as I live, I may generate ideas.
These conceptions give mankind a chance to move forward.
But then the time will come when I will die.
Now, two things happen: First of all, if these creative principles,
which have been developed by earlier generations,
are realized in the future, that means that mankind is an immortal species. We are not personally immortal;
but to the extent that we’re creative, we’re an immortal species.
And the ideas that we contribute to society
are permanent contributions to the human society.
We are therefore an immortal species,
based on mortal beings. And the key thing in life is to grasp that connection.
To say that we’re creative and die,
doesn’t tell us the story. If we, in our own lives, who are about to die,
can contribute something that is permanent, which will outlive our death, and be a benefit to mankind in future times, we have achieved the purpose of immortality.
And that is the crucial thing.
If people can actually face, with open minds, the fact that we’re each going to die—but look at it in the right way,
then we are impassioned to make the contributions,
to discover the principles, to do the work that is immortal.
Those discoveries of principle which are immortal, which pass on from one generation to the other. And thus, the dead live in the living;
because what the dead do, if they have done that in their lifetime, they are alive, not as in the flesh, but they’re alive in principle.
They’re part, an active part, of human society.

Christian humanism

LaRouche’s outlook, the “moral” obligation to live a “creative” existence on Earth in the image of the Creator, was deeply rooted in the philosophical outlook of both the Platonic and the Judeo-Christian tradition, whose happy marriage gave us the beautiful Christian humanism which, in the early XVth Century, ignited an unprecedented explosion, on a mass-scale and of unseen density of economic, scientific, artistic and cultural achievements, later qualified as a “Renaissance”.

In Plato’s Phaedon, Socrates develops the idea that our mortal body is a constant impediment to philosophers in their search for truth: “It fills us with wants, desires, fears, all sorts of illusions and much nonsense, so that, as it is said, in truth and in fact no thought of any kind ever comes to us from the body” (66c).  To have pure knowledge, therefore, philosophers must escape from the influence of the body as much as is possible in this life. Philosophy (Literally “The love of wisdom”) itself is, in fact, a kind of “preparation for dying” (67e), a purification of the philosopher’s soul from its bodily attachment.

Also the Vulgate’s Latin rendering of Ecclesiastics 7:40 stresses: « in all thy works be mindful of thy last end and thou wilt never sin”. This passage finds expression in the christian ritual of Ash Wednesday, when ashes are placed upon the worshippers’ heads with the words: “Remember Man that You are Dust and unto Dust You Shall Return.”

Is this a morbid ritual? No, it is a philosophy lesson. Christianity itself, as a religion, cherishes God’s own son made man, Jesus, for having renounced to his mortal life for the sake of mankind. It put Jesus’ death at the center. And in the XIVth century, Thomas a Kempis (1380-1471), one of the leading intellectuals and founders of the Brothers of the Common Life, wrote that every Christian should shape his life in the “Imitation of Christ”. Both Nicolaus of Cusa (1401-1464) and Erasmus of Rotterdam (1466-1536) were powerfully influenced and trained by this intellectual current.

Concedo Nulli

Medal with Erasmus portrait, casted by Quinten Matsijs in 1519.

Erasmus’ personal armory was the juxtaposition of a skull and a sand-glass, referring to death and time as the boundary conditions of human existence.

In 1519, his friend, the Flemish painter and goldsmith Quentin Matsys (1466-1530) forged a bronze medal to the honor of the great humanist.

On one side of the medal there is an efigee of Erasmus and a Latin inscription informs us that this is “an image taken from life”. At the same time we are told in Greek, « his writings will make him better. known »

The reverse side of the medal shows solemn inscriptions surrounding an unusual image. At the top of a pillar that stands in rough, uneven ground, emerges the head of a young man with a stubbly chin and wild, flowing hair. Like Erasmus on the other side of the medal, he seems to have a faint smile upon his face. On either side of the head are the words “Concedo Nulli”– “I yield to no one.” On the pillar is inscribed Terminus, the name of a Roman god who presided over boundaries. Again bilingual quotations surround a profile. On the left, in Greek, is the instruction, « Keep in mind the end of a long life. » On the right, in Latin, is the stark reminder, « Death is the ultimate boundary of things. »

Verso of the medal

Adapting as his own motto “I yield to no one”, Erasmus took the great risk of using such a daring metaphor. Accused of intolerable arrogance by his sycophants, he underlined that “Concedo Nulli” had to be understood as death’s own statement, not his own. And who could argue with the assertion that death is the terminus that yields to no one?

Mozart, Brahms and Gandhi

Centuries later, the great humanist composer, Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, was the exact opposite of a morbid cynic. Revealing his inner mindset, Mozart once said that the secret of all genius, was love for humanity: “neither a lofty degree of intelligence nor imagination nor both together go to the making of genius. Love, love, love, that is the soul of genius”.

But on April 4, 1787, Mozart wrote to his father, Leopold, as he lay dying :

I need hardly tell you how greatly I am longing
to receive some reassuring news from yourself.
And I still expect it ; although I have now made a habit of being prepared in all affairs of life for the worst.
As death, when we come to consider it closely,
is the true goal of our existence,
I have formed during the last few years such close relations with this best and truest friend of mankind,
that his image is not only no longer terrifying to me,
but is indeed very soothing and consoling !
And I thank God for graciously granting me
the opportunity (you know what I mean)
of learning that death is the key
which unlocks the door to our true happiness.
I never lie down at night
without reflecting that –young as I am– I may not live to see another day.

Johannes Brahms 1865 German Requiem, quotes Peter 1:24-25 reminding us that


“For all flesh is as grass,
and all the glory of man as the flower of grass.
The grass withereth, and the flower thereof falleth away.
But the word of the Lord endureth for ever.”

Also Mahatma Gandhi, expressed, in his own way, somthing similar, about how one has to live simultaneously with mortality and immortality:

« Live as if you were to die tomorrow.
Learn as if you were to live forever. »

Memento Mori and Vanitas

Hieronymus Bosch, detail of « The Garden of Earthly Delights ».

Just as Hieronymus Bosch’s (1450-1516) painting of the “Garden of Earthly Delights” (Prado, Madrid), where the great Dutch master uses the metaphor of naked humans incessantly chasing delicious fruits, calls on the viewer to become aware of his close-to-ridiculous, animal-like attachment to earthly pleasures and calls on his free will and his sens of humor to free himself, Bruegel’s “Triumph of Death” painting, on a first level, is fundamentally nothing else than a complex Memento Mori (Latin “remember that you must die”).

With this painting, Bruegel pays tribute to his intellectual godfather’s motto Concedo Nulli, that is, as Erasmus did in his writings, Bruegel paints the ineluctability of death, not by praising its horror, but with the aim of inspiring his fellow citizens to walk into immortality. In the same way Erasmus’ « In praise of folly » was in fact an inversion of his praise of reason, Brueghel’s « Triumph of Death » was conceived as a triumph of (immortal) life.

For the Catholic faith, the aim of a Memento Mori was to remind (and eventually terrorize) the believer that after death, he or she might end up in Purgatory or worse in Hell if they did not respect the Church and her rites. With the invention of oil painting in the early XVth century, panel paintings of this genre for private homes and small chapels were considered aesthetic objects crafted for the sake of religious and philosophical contemplation.

Hence, starting with the Renaissance, the Memento Mori painting became a much demanded artifact, re-branded in the following centuries as “Vanitas”, Latin for « emptiness » or « vanity ». Especially popular in Holland and then spreading to other European nations, Vanitas paintings typically represented assemblages of numerous symbolic objects such as human skulls, guttering candles, wilting flowers, soap bubbles, butterflies and hourglasses.

Iconography

The aristocrat, Holbein the Younger, Dance of Death.

A first source is of course, the famous designs and woodcuts executed by Erasmus intimate friend and illustrator of his “In Praise of Folly”, Hans Holbein the Younger (1497-1543), for his satirical “Dance of Death” (1523), which –breaking with the way the “Dance macabre” was used before by the Flagellants and other madmen to desensitize the population in order to push them into a fatalistic retreat of the outer world– introduces the new philosophical dimension that Bruegel will develop.

vanitas
Vanitas, Philippe de Champaigne, 1671.

The close-to-embarassing anamorphosic representation of a giant skull in Holbein’s work « The Ambassadors » (1533), demonstrates his profound understanding of the Memento Mori metaphor.

Erasmus’ friend Albrecht Dürer‘s engraving « Knight, Death and the Devil » (1513), or his « Saint Jerome in his study » (1514) (with skull and hourglass) are two other examples.

The Ambassadors (1533), Hans Holbein the Younger. On the right, the « anamorphosic » skull on the floor, when seen from a tangent viewpoint.

Bruegel and Italy

Ironically, Peter Bruegel the elder has always been presented as a painter of the Northern School who was completely closed to the “Italian” Renaissance.

The reality is that while rejected the transformation of the Renaissance into a form of mannerism in the XVIth century, he took most of his inspiration directly from two Italian Renaissance sources.

Triumph of Death, fresco (1446) from the Palazzo Sclafini in Palermo, Sicily.

First, of course, the image of Death riding a horse, and even a group of persons such as the young couple engaged in their musical embrace, appear incontestably as taken from the Triumph of Deat”, a vast fresco from 1446 which decorated the walls of the Palazzo Sclafani in Palermo, Sicily. Bruegel’s trip to Southern Italy is a well documented fact.

The second source, which undoubtedly also inspired the painter of the fresco, is a series of allegorical poems known as “I Trionfi” (“The Triumphs”: Triomph of Love, of Chastity, of Death, of Fame, of Time and of Eternity), composed by the great Italian poet Francesco Petrarca, most likely following the “Black Death”, a pandemic outbreak which, starting with the 1345 banking crash, decimated a vast portion of the population of Europe.

Petrarca’s genius was precisely to offer to those terrified with the very idea of having to face their physical mortality, a philosophical answer to their anxiety.

As a result, his Trionfi became rapidly popular, not only in Italy but all over Europe. And for most painters, working on Petrarca’s themes became part of their common repertoire.

BNF
The Master of Petrarca’s Triumphs. Manuscript of the BnF. On the left, The Triumph of Love shows Laura on top of a charriot. On the right (The Triumph of Death) Death stands on Laura’s mortal remains.

To conclude, here is an excerpt (English) of the poem, where Petrarca blasts the mad lust of Kings and Popes for wealth, pleasure and earthly power. In the face of death, he stresses, they are worthless. Petrarca’s wording fits to the detail the images used by Bruegel in his painting The Triumph of Death :

(…) afar we might perceive
    Millions of dead heap’d on th’ adjacent plain;
    No verse nor prose may comprehend the slain
    Did on Death’s triumph wait, from India,
    From Spain, and from Morocco, from Cathay,
    And all the skirts of th’ earth they gather’d were;
    Who had most happy lived, attended there:
    Popes, Emperors, nor Kings, no ensigns wore
    Of their past height, but naked show’d and poor.
    Where be their riches, where their precious gems,
    Their mitres, sceptres, robes, and diadems?
    O miserable men, whose hopes arise
    From worldly joys, yet be there few so wise
    As in those trifling follies not to trust;
    And if they be deceived, in end ’tis just:
    Ah! more than blind, what gain you by your toil?
    You must return once to your mother’s soil,
    And after-times your names shall hardly know,
    Nor any profit from your labour grow;
    All those strange countries by your warlike stroke
    Submitted to a tributary yoke;
    The fuel erst of your ambitious fire,
    What help they now? The vast and bad desire
    Of wealth and power at a bloody rate
    Is wicked,–better bread and water eat
    With peace; a wooden dish doth seldom hold
    A poison’d draught; glass is more safe than gold;

Whether Bruegel, who saw undoubtedly the fresco in Palermo during his trip in the 1550s, had read Petrarca’s poem remains an open question. It can be said that many of his direct friends were familiar with the Italian poet.

In Antwerp, the painter was a frequent guest of the Scola Caritatis, a humanist circle animated by one Hendrick Nicolaes, where Brueghel met poets, translaters, painters, engravers (Cock, Golzius) mapmakers (Mercator), cosmographers (Ortelius) and bookmakers such as the Antwerp printer Christophe Plantijn, who’se renowned printing shop would print Petrarca’s poetry.

Also in Antwerp, indicating how popular Petrarca’s poetry had become in the Low Countries and France, the franco-flemish Orlandus Lassus (1532-1594) published his first musical compositions, including his madrigals on each of the six Trionfi of Petrarca, among which the « Triumph of Death ».

Conclusion

All evil, Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646-1716) hoped, can give birth to something good, far bigger and superior to the evil that provoked it. Therefore, we can hope that the current pandemic breakdown crisis will lead some of the leading decision-makers, with our help, to reflect on the sens and purpose of their lives. The worst would be to return to yesterday’s “normalcy” since that kind of “normal” is exactly what drove the planet currently to the verge of extinction.

At last, it should be stressed that in the same way Lyndon LaRouche, by his ruthless (Concedi Nulli) commitment to defend the sacred creative nature of every human individual, contributed to the enduring immortality of Plato, Petrarca, Erasmus and Bruegel, it is up to each of us to carry even further that battle.

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Saint-Jerome (1521), Lucas Van Leyden (1494-1533)
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